ཟླ་བ་ ༡༡ ནང་ ང་ རྒྱ་གར་ ལ་ ཡོད་དུས་ འོད་དཀར་ དྲ་ཚིགས་ མཉམ་དུ་ དྲི་བ་དྲི་ལན་ ཞིག་ བྱེད་པ་ ཡིན།
དྲི་བ་ གཏོང་མཁན་ ཤིང་ཟ་རིན་པོ་ཆེ་ རེད། དྲི་བ་ མང་ཆེ་བ་ ཆབས་སྲིད་ དང་ འབྲེལ་བ་ ཡོད་ཀྱང་ ཁ་ཤས་ ཤིག་ སྒེར་ལ་ འབྲེལ་བ་ ཡོད་པ་ དེ་འདྲ་ ཡོད།
དྲི་བ་ དང་ ལན་ འདི་གར་ ཀློག་རོགས་ གནང་།།
Monday, December 27, 2010
The hearts of the oppressed Chinese
From Gene Sharp:
"The great Indian Gandhian socialist Rammanohar Lohia once wrote that he was tired of hearing only of the need to change the hearts of the oppressors. That was fine, but far more important was the effort to change the hearts of the oppressed. They needed to become unwilling to continue accepting their oppression, and to become determined to build a better society. Weakness in people's determination, and very importantly in their ability to act, makes possible their continued oppression and submission."
In my opinion, this shift has already occurred in Tibet. But I'm wondering how long it will take before we see a similar shift among the Chinese people. Has it already taken place and we just don't know it?
"The great Indian Gandhian socialist Rammanohar Lohia once wrote that he was tired of hearing only of the need to change the hearts of the oppressors. That was fine, but far more important was the effort to change the hearts of the oppressed. They needed to become unwilling to continue accepting their oppression, and to become determined to build a better society. Weakness in people's determination, and very importantly in their ability to act, makes possible their continued oppression and submission."
In my opinion, this shift has already occurred in Tibet. But I'm wondering how long it will take before we see a similar shift among the Chinese people. Has it already taken place and we just don't know it?
Saturday, December 25, 2010
Reading Gene Sharp on Christmas
As a Tibetan, I am free from the pressure to celebrate Christmas with lights and trees and stockings. But I do observe the holiday every year, by going to the movies with my Jewish friends in Boston. Today, after watching "The King's Speech," I returned home and started reading.
I decided to brush up on some of the writings of Gene Sharp, since I have been able to secure a meeting with him for Monday. For those who're not familiar with his name, let me put it this way: Gene Sharp is the Sun Tzu of nonviolence.
Gene Sharp is the founding scholar of the academic field of nonviolent conflict. In 1973 he published "The Politics of Nonviolent Action," which came to be regarded as the bible of strategic nonviolent action. He has published prolifically in his exceptional career, writing thousands of pages analyzing and deconstructing the methods used by the likes of Gandhi and King as well as less famous nonviolent warriors.
His thought and his books have served as the basis for strategic campaigns in numerous peaceful revolutions from Serbia to Georgia to Ukraine.
Here is an excerpt from his book, "Waging Nonviolent Struggle," a 598-page monster that I would be lucky to have barely skimmed by Monday!
"The question is to what degree people obey without threats, and to what degree they continue to disobey despite punishments. Even the capacity of rulers to detect and punish disobedience depends on the existing pattern of obedience and cooperation. The greater the obedience of the rulers' subjects, the greater the chances of detection and punishment of disobedience and noncooperation. The weaker the obedience and cooperation of the subjects, the less effective the rulers' detection and enforcement will be."
How true! If a million people disobey, the state would have no capacity to punish them all.
Not everything Sharp has written is dense or long. Here is an online version of Sharp's short and most engaging pamphlet, "From Dictatorship To Democracy," which should be mandatory reading for anyone who desires nonviolent change: http://www.hermanos.org/nonviolence/dictodem.html
And here is a Tibetan language version of the same pamphlet, available in PDF: http://www.dawakarpo.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=2683:2010-05-18-01-28-05&catid=56:2009-06-25-09-28-34&Itemid=125
I decided to brush up on some of the writings of Gene Sharp, since I have been able to secure a meeting with him for Monday. For those who're not familiar with his name, let me put it this way: Gene Sharp is the Sun Tzu of nonviolence.
Gene Sharp is the founding scholar of the academic field of nonviolent conflict. In 1973 he published "The Politics of Nonviolent Action," which came to be regarded as the bible of strategic nonviolent action. He has published prolifically in his exceptional career, writing thousands of pages analyzing and deconstructing the methods used by the likes of Gandhi and King as well as less famous nonviolent warriors.
His thought and his books have served as the basis for strategic campaigns in numerous peaceful revolutions from Serbia to Georgia to Ukraine.
Here is an excerpt from his book, "Waging Nonviolent Struggle," a 598-page monster that I would be lucky to have barely skimmed by Monday!
"The question is to what degree people obey without threats, and to what degree they continue to disobey despite punishments. Even the capacity of rulers to detect and punish disobedience depends on the existing pattern of obedience and cooperation. The greater the obedience of the rulers' subjects, the greater the chances of detection and punishment of disobedience and noncooperation. The weaker the obedience and cooperation of the subjects, the less effective the rulers' detection and enforcement will be."
How true! If a million people disobey, the state would have no capacity to punish them all.
Not everything Sharp has written is dense or long. Here is an online version of Sharp's short and most engaging pamphlet, "From Dictatorship To Democracy," which should be mandatory reading for anyone who desires nonviolent change: http://www.hermanos.org/nonviolence/dictodem.html
And here is a Tibetan language version of the same pamphlet, available in PDF: http://www.dawakarpo.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=2683:2010-05-18-01-28-05&catid=56:2009-06-25-09-28-34&Itemid=125
With or without the zero
I am turning 31 in a few days. To be honest, it's much less exciting than, say, turning 20, or even 30! The number 31 just doesn't have the appearance or the feeling of a milestone. It must be the zero - or the absence of it - that makes a number look epic - or meaningless.
However, not every number owes its significance to the hypocritical and self-important zero. Take 1911 for example - a number with no zero.
1911 was a watershed year for Tibet. The 13th Dalai Lama was in exile in British-ruled India following the Manchu invasion of Tibet, when the Chinese revolution reached its peak and toppled the Manchu dynasty. The Tibetans seized the moment and expelled the Manchu forces from Tibet. Two years later the Dalai Lama returned to an independent Tibet.
2011 will mark a hundred years since the collapse of the Manchu empire and the birth of modern day independent Tibet. It's a year bursting with the potential to become another watershed moment for Tibet.
Today, Tibetans are blazing the way for mass dissent and civil disobedience, setting an example for the millions of disempowered Chinese pining for freedom and democracy. There are countless Tibetan heroes who are leading the movement at the grassroots level, and many who are giving a voice to the silenced multitude by writing essays and books. One such person is Dolma Kyab, a 34-year-old writer and teacher, who is serving a 10-year prison sentence because of his open critique of the Chinese government. Beijing is fast realizing that it can imprison Tibetans but not their ideas and words.
In light of the millions of restless Chinese peasants and migrant workers nursing their growing grievances against corruption, inequality, poverty, and repression, China is showing all the signs of a weak empire and a brittle state. Throw in the mix some wild cards like the internet and environmental devastation, and the Chinese Communist Party seems a hundred times more impermanent than the melting glaciers in the Himalayas.
So what will this mean for Tibet? We need to be ready to seize the moment -- just like the Tibetans of a different generation seized the opportunity in 1911. Which means, we need the Tibetan freedom struggle to be strong, fast, strategic, and resourceful.
Like many Tibetans, nothing is more dear to me than my wish to live in a free Tibet in my own lifetime. I am confident that the Tibetan people will be ready in the coming years - just like we were in 1911 - to seize the moment to restore Tibet's independence and take our rightful place in the global community of nations.
However, not every number owes its significance to the hypocritical and self-important zero. Take 1911 for example - a number with no zero.
1911 was a watershed year for Tibet. The 13th Dalai Lama was in exile in British-ruled India following the Manchu invasion of Tibet, when the Chinese revolution reached its peak and toppled the Manchu dynasty. The Tibetans seized the moment and expelled the Manchu forces from Tibet. Two years later the Dalai Lama returned to an independent Tibet.
2011 will mark a hundred years since the collapse of the Manchu empire and the birth of modern day independent Tibet. It's a year bursting with the potential to become another watershed moment for Tibet.
Today, Tibetans are blazing the way for mass dissent and civil disobedience, setting an example for the millions of disempowered Chinese pining for freedom and democracy. There are countless Tibetan heroes who are leading the movement at the grassroots level, and many who are giving a voice to the silenced multitude by writing essays and books. One such person is Dolma Kyab, a 34-year-old writer and teacher, who is serving a 10-year prison sentence because of his open critique of the Chinese government. Beijing is fast realizing that it can imprison Tibetans but not their ideas and words.
In light of the millions of restless Chinese peasants and migrant workers nursing their growing grievances against corruption, inequality, poverty, and repression, China is showing all the signs of a weak empire and a brittle state. Throw in the mix some wild cards like the internet and environmental devastation, and the Chinese Communist Party seems a hundred times more impermanent than the melting glaciers in the Himalayas.
So what will this mean for Tibet? We need to be ready to seize the moment -- just like the Tibetans of a different generation seized the opportunity in 1911. Which means, we need the Tibetan freedom struggle to be strong, fast, strategic, and resourceful.
Like many Tibetans, nothing is more dear to me than my wish to live in a free Tibet in my own lifetime. I am confident that the Tibetan people will be ready in the coming years - just like we were in 1911 - to seize the moment to restore Tibet's independence and take our rightful place in the global community of nations.
Sunday, December 12, 2010
Giving Liu Xiaobo the Thangka Treatment
Last Friday was a historic day for Chinese, Tibetans, Uyghurs, and other people living under the yoke of the Chinese empire. Liu Xiaobo, a little known writer-activist in China who will now become a household name around the world, was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. In New York we held an event to honor Liu's contribution to humanity, where Tibetan artist Rigdol and Chinese artist Zhang Hongtu created a Liu Xiaobo portrait in the form of a thangka. I call it, "Giving Liu Xiaobo the thangka treatment," for his unparalleled efforts to promote human rights and democracy in China.
Below is an adapted version of a speech I gave on Friday to a group of media outlets gathered at the Ralph Bunche Park -- mostly to see Richard Gere, not me.
"Good morning and welcome.
Barely two hours ago, Liu Xiaobo was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize ceremony in Oslo as millions of people tuned in to watch this historic moment on television, on the radio, and on the internet. But a fifth of the world’s population, living in the Chinese empire, did not get to share this moment with the rest of the world. The Chinese government, blacked out all broadcasts of the ceremony. To some this is a display of Beijing’s power; that it can control all the televisions and all the media outlets in China. But in reality, it’s a display of Beijing’s weakness and brittleness, Beijing doesn’t have the confidence and the courage to let its own people decide what they watch and to share in a moment cherished by the rest of the world.
We stand here this morning to celebrate the awarding of the Nobel Peace Prize to Liu Xiaobo, a writer, an intellectual, a poet, an activist, a reformer. But above all a compassionate individual whose love of life, humanity, freedom, democracy and his nation is far greater than what China's current leadership can ever match.
As a Tibetan exile whose parents fled Tibet to escape from Chinese government persecution following the invasion of my country, I know that Liu Xiaobo has a special place in our hearts. He is one of the first Chinese intellectuals to support the Tibetan struggle. He has expressed in his essays a profound understanding and a deep empathy for the Tibetan people.
As early as 1996, Liu Xiaobo wrote a letter to Jiang Zemin, in which he argued that the Chinese government must respect the Tibetan people’s right to self-determination and open dialogue with the Dalai Lama. One of Liu Xiaobo’s closest friends, Woeser, a Tibetan writer living in Beijing writes.
“I have known Mr. Liu Xiaobo for many years, in fact, I have never referred to him in such a formal and distant way. I still remember that night when he asked me in his stammering voice on Skype to please sign my name under “Charter 08” as a sign of trust towards him and in memory of his long-standing support for the Tibet issue. I signed my name without any hesitation. Shortly afterwards, he was arrested in his home and one year later, concealed by the haze of Christmas celebrations, he was sentenced to 11 years of imprisonment. We will never forget when journalists from international media asked his wife Liu Xia how she felt and she replied: “I think one day would already be too long. How are 11 years justified?”
I feel a deep sense of loss for Liu Xia, who is being condemned to spend the next 11 years without her husband at her side. I feel a great sense of outrage that the Chinese government has deprived Liu Xiaobo of 11 years of his life and freedom. And I feel even greater outrage that the Chinese government has deprived the world of 11 years Liu Xiaobo's presence.
But I'm hopeful that in the end it will not be for 11 years, because the Chinese government will not last that long. Endemic corruption, environmental disasters, grassroots pressure, global isolation, and too many other factors are shaking the Community Party's foundations.
We are standing at this busy road across the United Nations; we’re also standing at a historic crossroads. One line in Charter 08 reads, “The future of China hangs in balance.” I believe the future no longer hangs in balance; the balance of history has tipped toward democracy and freedom. And with it Chinese imperialism will end and people like Liu Xiabo will take their rightful place in history.
I thank you for joining us today and hope that you will continue to speak out for human rights and freedom in China, in Tibet, and indeed throughout the world."
Below is an adapted version of a speech I gave on Friday to a group of media outlets gathered at the Ralph Bunche Park -- mostly to see Richard Gere, not me.
"Good morning and welcome.
Barely two hours ago, Liu Xiaobo was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize ceremony in Oslo as millions of people tuned in to watch this historic moment on television, on the radio, and on the internet. But a fifth of the world’s population, living in the Chinese empire, did not get to share this moment with the rest of the world. The Chinese government, blacked out all broadcasts of the ceremony. To some this is a display of Beijing’s power; that it can control all the televisions and all the media outlets in China. But in reality, it’s a display of Beijing’s weakness and brittleness, Beijing doesn’t have the confidence and the courage to let its own people decide what they watch and to share in a moment cherished by the rest of the world.
We stand here this morning to celebrate the awarding of the Nobel Peace Prize to Liu Xiaobo, a writer, an intellectual, a poet, an activist, a reformer. But above all a compassionate individual whose love of life, humanity, freedom, democracy and his nation is far greater than what China's current leadership can ever match.
As a Tibetan exile whose parents fled Tibet to escape from Chinese government persecution following the invasion of my country, I know that Liu Xiaobo has a special place in our hearts. He is one of the first Chinese intellectuals to support the Tibetan struggle. He has expressed in his essays a profound understanding and a deep empathy for the Tibetan people.
As early as 1996, Liu Xiaobo wrote a letter to Jiang Zemin, in which he argued that the Chinese government must respect the Tibetan people’s right to self-determination and open dialogue with the Dalai Lama. One of Liu Xiaobo’s closest friends, Woeser, a Tibetan writer living in Beijing writes.
“I have known Mr. Liu Xiaobo for many years, in fact, I have never referred to him in such a formal and distant way. I still remember that night when he asked me in his stammering voice on Skype to please sign my name under “Charter 08” as a sign of trust towards him and in memory of his long-standing support for the Tibet issue. I signed my name without any hesitation. Shortly afterwards, he was arrested in his home and one year later, concealed by the haze of Christmas celebrations, he was sentenced to 11 years of imprisonment. We will never forget when journalists from international media asked his wife Liu Xia how she felt and she replied: “I think one day would already be too long. How are 11 years justified?”
I feel a deep sense of loss for Liu Xia, who is being condemned to spend the next 11 years without her husband at her side. I feel a great sense of outrage that the Chinese government has deprived Liu Xiaobo of 11 years of his life and freedom. And I feel even greater outrage that the Chinese government has deprived the world of 11 years Liu Xiaobo's presence.
But I'm hopeful that in the end it will not be for 11 years, because the Chinese government will not last that long. Endemic corruption, environmental disasters, grassroots pressure, global isolation, and too many other factors are shaking the Community Party's foundations.
We are standing at this busy road across the United Nations; we’re also standing at a historic crossroads. One line in Charter 08 reads, “The future of China hangs in balance.” I believe the future no longer hangs in balance; the balance of history has tipped toward democracy and freedom. And with it Chinese imperialism will end and people like Liu Xiabo will take their rightful place in history.
I thank you for joining us today and hope that you will continue to speak out for human rights and freedom in China, in Tibet, and indeed throughout the world."
Saturday, November 20, 2010
བོད་ཡིག་ བོད་སྐད་ འཕེལ་རྒྱས་ གཏོང་བའི་ ཐབས་ལམ་ བཅུ།།
ཁ་བརྡ་ རྩོམ་སྒྲིག་ ཚོགས་ཆུང་ གིས་ བསྒྱུར་བའི་ བོད་སྐད་ བོད་ཡིག་ འཕེལ་རྒྱས་ གཏོང་བའི་ ཐབས་ལམ་ བཅུ་ འདིར་ གཟིགས་རོགས།།
http://www.khabdha.org/?p=13517
ཐབས་ལམ་ ཚང་མ་ ལས་སླ་བོ་ ཤ་ཏག་ རེད།
ཐུགས་རྗེ་ཆེ།།
http://www.khabdha.org/?p=13517
ཐབས་ལམ་ ཚང་མ་ ལས་སླ་བོ་ ཤ་ཏག་ རེད།
ཐུགས་རྗེ་ཆེ།།
Ten Ways to Promote Tibetan Language
Tibetans in Tibet are taking great risks to fight for their right to study in their mother tongue while China tries to marginalize the Tibetan language. To support the conservation of Tibetan language, we can all contribute by taking some simple actions. Tibetan version of this guide can be found here: http://www.khabdha.org/?p=13517
1. Listen to Tibetan news at RFA (http://rfa.org/), VOA (http://voanews.com/), and VOT (http://vot.org/) weekly. Watch VOA’s incredibly popular Kunleng TV twice a week: http://www.voanews.com/tibetan-english/news/.
2. Read Tibetan news at least once a week at Bodkyi Dusbab (http://tibettimes.net/), Bodkyi Bangchen (http://tibetexpress.net/), http://Khabdha.org/. Read poems and essays by persecuted writers: Tashi Rapten, Kunga Tsangyang (http://freekunga.com/), Shogdung, Kalsang Tsultrim, Dolma Kyab, and Jamyang Kyi at http://wokar.net/.
3. Install Tibetan unicode on your computer so that you can type in Tibetan. Download the software at http://lobsangmonlam.org/. It’s as easy as ཀ་ ཁ་ ག་ ང་། and it’s compatible with Mac as well as Windows.
4. Write Facebook status updates in Tibetan on Wednesdays. “བོད་ ནང་ སློབ་ཕྲུག་ མང་པོས་ སྐད་ཡིག་ རང་དབང་ ཆེད་ སྐད་འབོད་ བྱེད་འདུག” If you don’t have Tibetan installed in your computer, you can use the Tibetan Virtual Keyboard http://apps.facebook.com/tibetankeyboard/?ref=mf
5. Send an occasional email in Tibetan – it will surprise your parents, delight your friends, and confound the hackers!
6. Stop worrying about spelling. One day soon, there will be Tibetan spell-check on your computer. For now, bad spelling is better than no spelling. Besides, you can download Monlam’s online Tibetan dictionary at http://www.4shared.com/get/0o_FOTWt/Monlam_Dictionary.html.
7. Give a Tibetan comic book or picture book to a kid as their holiday gift. If you have a kid, read a Tibetan story to put them to bed. གཟིམས་འཇག་གནང་ངོ་།
8. Listen to contemporary Tibetan music (this is too easy not to). No matter what your taste you will love Rangzen Shonu (http://rangzenshonu.net/), JJI Exile Brothers, Yadong, Kunga, Sherten, Techung, Phurbu T Namgyal, etc.
9. Buy Tibetan books, magazines, CDs (http://semshae.org/) and DVDs. Tibetan writers and artists are churning out works of art and literature, and we must build a global market to consume their products. Let’s vote for Tibetan language with our wallets.
10. Speak in Tibetan whenever possible, not just when sharing secrets on the subway.
This guide is brought to you by the Tibetan staff members of Students for a Free Tibet.
བོད་རང་བཙན་ སློབ་ཕྲུག་ཚོགས་པའི་ བོད་པའི་ ལས་བྱེད་པ་ རྣམས་ ནས་ ཕུལ།།
1. Listen to Tibetan news at RFA (http://rfa.org/), VOA (http://voanews.com/), and VOT (http://vot.org/) weekly. Watch VOA’s incredibly popular Kunleng TV twice a week: http://www.voanews.com/tibetan-english/news/.
2. Read Tibetan news at least once a week at Bodkyi Dusbab (http://tibettimes.net/), Bodkyi Bangchen (http://tibetexpress.net/), http://Khabdha.org/. Read poems and essays by persecuted writers: Tashi Rapten, Kunga Tsangyang (http://freekunga.com/), Shogdung, Kalsang Tsultrim, Dolma Kyab, and Jamyang Kyi at http://wokar.net/.
3. Install Tibetan unicode on your computer so that you can type in Tibetan. Download the software at http://lobsangmonlam.org/. It’s as easy as ཀ་ ཁ་ ག་ ང་། and it’s compatible with Mac as well as Windows.
4. Write Facebook status updates in Tibetan on Wednesdays. “བོད་ ནང་ སློབ་ཕྲུག་ མང་པོས་ སྐད་ཡིག་ རང་དབང་ ཆེད་ སྐད་འབོད་ བྱེད་འདུག” If you don’t have Tibetan installed in your computer, you can use the Tibetan Virtual Keyboard http://apps.facebook.com/tibetankeyboard/?ref=mf
5. Send an occasional email in Tibetan – it will surprise your parents, delight your friends, and confound the hackers!
6. Stop worrying about spelling. One day soon, there will be Tibetan spell-check on your computer. For now, bad spelling is better than no spelling. Besides, you can download Monlam’s online Tibetan dictionary at http://www.4shared.com/get/0o_FOTWt/Monlam_Dictionary.html.
7. Give a Tibetan comic book or picture book to a kid as their holiday gift. If you have a kid, read a Tibetan story to put them to bed. གཟིམས་འཇག་གནང་ངོ་།
8. Listen to contemporary Tibetan music (this is too easy not to). No matter what your taste you will love Rangzen Shonu (http://rangzenshonu.net/), JJI Exile Brothers, Yadong, Kunga, Sherten, Techung, Phurbu T Namgyal, etc.
9. Buy Tibetan books, magazines, CDs (http://semshae.org/) and DVDs. Tibetan writers and artists are churning out works of art and literature, and we must build a global market to consume their products. Let’s vote for Tibetan language with our wallets.
10. Speak in Tibetan whenever possible, not just when sharing secrets on the subway.
This guide is brought to you by the Tibetan staff members of Students for a Free Tibet.
བོད་རང་བཙན་ སློབ་ཕྲུག་ཚོགས་པའི་ བོད་པའི་ ལས་བྱེད་པ་ རྣམས་ ནས་ ཕུལ།།
Saturday, November 13, 2010
Cough up a Yuan for every Chinese word
Tibetans in Zachukha are taking matters into their own hands. As Chinese authorities attempt to further marginalize the Tibetan language by replacing it with Chinese as the medium of instruction in schools, Tibetans in Sershul Monastery have hit upon a brilliant idea to protect their language from Chinese invasion.
The plan works like this: everyone makes an effort to speak in pure Tibetan in the monastery. Every time someone utters a Chinese word, they get fined a yuan!
"...Chinese government officials including the County leaders and an official from the local United Work Front Department arrived at Sershul monastery and confiscated boxes containing money collected as fine for speaking “Drak kay”, a reference used to describe mix of spoken Tibetan and Chinese languages. The government officials told the monks that the system of levying fine on people over spoken language must be stopped. The monks told them that they had forced no one to comply with the fine system and that the people of the area had voluntarily agreed to be fined if they spoke “Drak kay”."
The news article in Tibet Times goes on to say that since 2008, "Tibetans in the area have been following a rule of sorts to levy penalty of one Yuan on anyone who does not speak pure Tibetan."
It appears that this new self-imposed rule is spreading through other parts of Tibet. It's hard to imagine a better way to preserve our language.
The plan works like this: everyone makes an effort to speak in pure Tibetan in the monastery. Every time someone utters a Chinese word, they get fined a yuan!
"...Chinese government officials including the County leaders and an official from the local United Work Front Department arrived at Sershul monastery and confiscated boxes containing money collected as fine for speaking “Drak kay”, a reference used to describe mix of spoken Tibetan and Chinese languages. The government officials told the monks that the system of levying fine on people over spoken language must be stopped. The monks told them that they had forced no one to comply with the fine system and that the people of the area had voluntarily agreed to be fined if they spoke “Drak kay”."
The news article in Tibet Times goes on to say that since 2008, "Tibetans in the area have been following a rule of sorts to levy penalty of one Yuan on anyone who does not speak pure Tibetan."
It appears that this new self-imposed rule is spreading through other parts of Tibet. It's hard to imagine a better way to preserve our language.
Sunday, August 1, 2010
TIBET'S OWN SATYAGRAHA
WHAT IF GANDHI STYLE SATYAGRAHA WAS WAGED IN TIBET?
I’VE BEEN ASKED THIS QUESTION FOR YEARS. WELL, HERE IS YOUR ANSWER: LHAKAR.
Despite China’s totalitarian rule, Tibetans have embraced the power of strategic nonviolent action. This grassroots revolution is being called Lhakar, which means “White Wednesday” or “Pure Wednesday.” Not surprisingly, the Dalai Lama was born on a Wednesday.
Every Wednesday, a growing number of Tibetans are making a special effort to wear traditional clothes, speak Tibetan, eat at Tibetan restaurants and buy from Tibetan-owned businesses. They channel their spirit of resistance into social, cultural and economic activities that are self-constructive (promoting Tibetan language and culture) and non-cooperative (refusing to support Chinese institutions and businesses).
Since 2008, Beijing has locked down the streets to deter protests. But the resistance has not abated; it has simply moved indoors. Lhakar participants nurture Tibetan tradition in their homes and daily lives, strengthening their cultural identity, social networks and political impact. Through Lhakar they are saying, “We are Tibetan.”
This cultural revival is also ushering in the Tibetan equivalent of the Renaissance. Musicians, writers, and painters are changing the landscape of Tibetan arts and literature, producing an endless stream of songs, essays, and other artwork that express the Tibetan people’s unfathomable pain, occasional joy, and constant yearning. The courage that fueled the 2008 uprising has emboldened the vision with which this new Tibetan art is bursting into the world. The political movement is feeding the arts, and the arts are feeding the movement right back.
Exiled Tibetans have started campaigns to mirror these activities. Tibetans in Boston, USA hold vigils every Wednesday, making a Lhakar pledge to continue the vigil until Tibet is free. SFT has launched our monthly Renaissance Series: amplifying everything banned in Tibet. Tibet supporters have pledged to educate their political representatives on Tibet, while others have pledged to boycott made-in-China products.
This gathering storm – a combination of cultural renaissance and political revolution – will ultimately wipe out China’s oppression, leaving in its wake a Tibet ruled by Tibetans. Half a century after Gandhi died, his satyagraha is reborn in Tibet. This time its name is Lhakar.
From SFT's official Newsletter 'Banned in Tibet'
To download the Newsletter: http://blog.studentsforafreetibet.org/wp-content/uploads/2010/07/STUFT1-36887_Newsletter_web.pdf
I’VE BEEN ASKED THIS QUESTION FOR YEARS. WELL, HERE IS YOUR ANSWER: LHAKAR.
Despite China’s totalitarian rule, Tibetans have embraced the power of strategic nonviolent action. This grassroots revolution is being called Lhakar, which means “White Wednesday” or “Pure Wednesday.” Not surprisingly, the Dalai Lama was born on a Wednesday.
Every Wednesday, a growing number of Tibetans are making a special effort to wear traditional clothes, speak Tibetan, eat at Tibetan restaurants and buy from Tibetan-owned businesses. They channel their spirit of resistance into social, cultural and economic activities that are self-constructive (promoting Tibetan language and culture) and non-cooperative (refusing to support Chinese institutions and businesses).
Since 2008, Beijing has locked down the streets to deter protests. But the resistance has not abated; it has simply moved indoors. Lhakar participants nurture Tibetan tradition in their homes and daily lives, strengthening their cultural identity, social networks and political impact. Through Lhakar they are saying, “We are Tibetan.”
This cultural revival is also ushering in the Tibetan equivalent of the Renaissance. Musicians, writers, and painters are changing the landscape of Tibetan arts and literature, producing an endless stream of songs, essays, and other artwork that express the Tibetan people’s unfathomable pain, occasional joy, and constant yearning. The courage that fueled the 2008 uprising has emboldened the vision with which this new Tibetan art is bursting into the world. The political movement is feeding the arts, and the arts are feeding the movement right back.
Exiled Tibetans have started campaigns to mirror these activities. Tibetans in Boston, USA hold vigils every Wednesday, making a Lhakar pledge to continue the vigil until Tibet is free. SFT has launched our monthly Renaissance Series: amplifying everything banned in Tibet. Tibet supporters have pledged to educate their political representatives on Tibet, while others have pledged to boycott made-in-China products.
This gathering storm – a combination of cultural renaissance and political revolution – will ultimately wipe out China’s oppression, leaving in its wake a Tibet ruled by Tibetans. Half a century after Gandhi died, his satyagraha is reborn in Tibet. This time its name is Lhakar.
From SFT's official Newsletter 'Banned in Tibet'
To download the Newsletter: http://blog.studentsforafreetibet.org/wp-content/uploads/2010/07/STUFT1-36887_Newsletter_web.pdf
Friday, July 16, 2010
North Korea facing collapse, China facing change
I just read this insightful New Yorker article titled, "Is North Korea Finally Facing Collapse? " by Barbara Demick.
For the people of North Korea, living in perpetual famine under a ruthless dictator, the best thing that can happen actually might be the collapse of their state. It will provide the opening, if nothing else, for the birth of a real nation liberated from the oppressive system engineered by the Kim dynasty.
As a Tibetan, I'm interested in what will happen to China in the event of a North Korean collapse. Dictators have a tradition of looking out for each other - a sort of a brotherhood among thugs. Beijing has been propping up the regimes in North Korea and Burma and Sudan, and these countries give their votes to China in return.
But when North Korea changes, China will be left as one of the only countries in Asia that are nondemocratic and oppressive. Might this phenomenon rush China toward democratic change? Or might it make Beijing even more defensive and careful about keeping their stranglehold on power?
There is no doubt Beijing will fight harder to delay democracy. But if the one billion Chinese fight back, there's no doubt who will win.
For the people of North Korea, living in perpetual famine under a ruthless dictator, the best thing that can happen actually might be the collapse of their state. It will provide the opening, if nothing else, for the birth of a real nation liberated from the oppressive system engineered by the Kim dynasty.
As a Tibetan, I'm interested in what will happen to China in the event of a North Korean collapse. Dictators have a tradition of looking out for each other - a sort of a brotherhood among thugs. Beijing has been propping up the regimes in North Korea and Burma and Sudan, and these countries give their votes to China in return.
But when North Korea changes, China will be left as one of the only countries in Asia that are nondemocratic and oppressive. Might this phenomenon rush China toward democratic change? Or might it make Beijing even more defensive and careful about keeping their stranglehold on power?
There is no doubt Beijing will fight harder to delay democracy. But if the one billion Chinese fight back, there's no doubt who will win.
Wednesday, July 14, 2010
The Tongue of Our Mothers
Tibetan as a language has a great history and a rich literature. For centuries it evolved on the Tibetan plateau, its influence often flowing down into other Himalayan cultures such as those of Ladakh, Bhutan, Sikkim, Tawang and so on. Scholars and researchers maintain that Tibetan is the only language today in which one can access the full body of Buddhist literature, including all the root texts and the commentaries.
In the new millennium, when the Tibetan language is thriving in places like Bhutan, Ladakh and, curiously, on the internet, it is coming under systematic attack in Tibet.
Watch this short video from Reuters reporting on how Tibetans in Tibet fear the loss of their mother tongue because of China’s education policies as well as cultural and economic imperialism in Tibet. I hope that the strength of our language and our spirit will withstand China’s effort to forcibly assimilate us.
In the new millennium, when the Tibetan language is thriving in places like Bhutan, Ladakh and, curiously, on the internet, it is coming under systematic attack in Tibet.
Watch this short video from Reuters reporting on how Tibetans in Tibet fear the loss of their mother tongue because of China’s education policies as well as cultural and economic imperialism in Tibet. I hope that the strength of our language and our spirit will withstand China’s effort to forcibly assimilate us.
Saturday, July 10, 2010
འཚེ་བ་ཅན་ གྱི་ ཞི་བ་
ཞི་བ་ དང་ འཚེ་མེད་ ཞི་བའི་ བར་ ཁྱད་པར་ ཡོད་དམ། མི་ མང་པོས་ ཚིག་ གཉིས་པོ་ དེ་ དོན་གཅིག་ མིང་ གི་ རྣམ་གྲངས་ ལ་ ངོས་འཛིན་ བྱེད་ཀྱི་ འདུག འོན་ཀྱང་ ཚིག་ འདི་གཉིས་ བར་ ལ་ ཁྱད་པར་ ཆེན་པོ་ ཡོད།
ཞི་བ་ ཡིན་ ན་ འཚེ་བ་ མེད་པས་ མ་ཁྱབས། འཚེ་བ་ མེད་ ན་ ཞི་བ་ ཡིན་པས་ མ་ཁྱབས། འོན་ཀྱང་ སྐབས་རེ་ འཚེ་བ་ ཡོད་ཀྱང་ ཞི་བ་ མིན་པའི་ མ་ཁྱབས། ཡང་ན་ འཚེ་བ་ ཡོད་ཀྱང་ དྲག་པོ་ ཡིན་པས་ མ་ཁྱབས།
བྱས་ན་ དྲག་པོ་ དང་ འཚེ་བའི་ བར་ ཁྱད་པར་ གང་ ཡོད་པ་ ཞིབས་འཇུག་ བྱེད་ དགོས། དྲག་པོ་ ཞེས་པ་ ནི་ སེམས་ཅན་ གཞན་ གྱི་ ལུས་ཁམས་ ལ་ རྨས་སྐྱོན་ གཏོང་བའི་ བྱ་བ་ གང་ཞིག་ ལ་ གོ་བ་ ཡིན། འཚེ་བ་ ནི་ སེམས་ཅན་ ལ་ ལུས་ ངག་ ཡིད་ གང་རུང་ ཐོག་ནས་ གནོད་པ་ བྱེད་པའི་ བྱ་བ་ གང་ཞིག་ ལ་ གོ་བ་ ཡིན།
གལ་ཏེ་ མི་ ཞིག་ ལ་ ཚིག་ངན་ ཞིག་ བཤད་ ནས་ ཁོ་ ལ་ སྡུག་བསྔལ་ བཟོ་ན་ དེ་ལ་ འཚེ་བ་ ཟེར་ ཆོག འོན་ཀྱང་ ཚིག་ངན་ བཤད་པ་ དེ་ དྲག་པོའི་ ལས་སུ་ ངོས་འཛིན་ མ་བྱེད། གང་ལ་ ཟེར་ན་ ལས་དེས་ སྲོག་གཅོད་ དམ་ ལུས་ལ་ རྨས་སྐྱོན་ གཏོང་གི་ མེད་པས་ ཕྱིར།
རྒྱལ་ཁབས་ ཀྱི་ རང་དབང་ ཐབ་རྩོད་ ནང་ ཞུགས་ནས་ སྡུག་རྩུབ་ཅན་ གྱི་ གཞུང་ ཞིག་ ལ་ ཁ་གཏད་ གཅོག་དུས། དྲག་པོའི་ ལས་ཀ་ སྤང་རྒྱུ་ གལ་ཆེ་ ཡང་ འཚེ་བ་ མེད་པའི་ ལས་ཀ་ སྤང་རྒྱུ་ ནི་ ཧ་ཅང་ ཁག་པོ་ རེད། རྒྱ་གར་ གྱི་ རང་དབང་ ཐབ་རྩོད་པ་ རྒན་དིས་ དྲག་པོའི་ ལས་ཀ་ བྱས་ མེད་ ཀྱང་། འཚེ་བ་ཅན་ གྱི་ ལས་ཀ་ བྱས་ ཡོད་པར་ འདོད་ ཐུབ། ཁོང་གིས་ འགོ་འཁྲིད་ ནས་ དབྱིན་ཇིའི་ ཚོང་ཁང་ ལ་ ཉོ་ཚོང་ སྤོང་བའི་ ལས་འགུལ་ སྤེལ་དུས་ རྒྱ་གར་བ་ ས་ཡ་ མང་པོས་ མཉམ་ཞུགས་ བྱས་ནས། དབྱིན་ཇིའི་ ཚོང་ ལ་ གྱོང་ ཆེན་པོ་ བཏང་བ་ མ་ཟད། དབྱིན་ཇིའི་ སྐྱེ་མན་ མང་པོ་ བཟོ་གྲའི་ ལས་ཀ་ ཤོར་བ་ རེད།
རྒན་དིའི་ ཉོ་ཚོང་ སྤོང་བའི་ ལས་འགུལ་ དེས་ དབྱིན་ཇི་རྣམས་ ལ་ འཚེ་བ་ བྱས་ཀྱང་ ཞི་བའི་ སྒོ་ནས་ བྱས་པ་ རེད། དེར་ དྲག་པོ་ རྩ་བ་ ནས་ ཟེར་ མི་རུང་། བྱས་ཙང་ ང་ཚོའི་ ཐབ་རྩོད་ ནང་ལའང་ ཞི་བའི་ ལས་འགུལ་ འཚེ་བ་ཅན་ འགའ་ཞིག་ སྤེལ་ ཐུབ་ན་ ཡག་པོ་ ཡོང་ས་ རེད།
ཞི་བ་ ཡིན་ ན་ འཚེ་བ་ མེད་པས་ མ་ཁྱབས། འཚེ་བ་ མེད་ ན་ ཞི་བ་ ཡིན་པས་ མ་ཁྱབས། འོན་ཀྱང་ སྐབས་རེ་ འཚེ་བ་ ཡོད་ཀྱང་ ཞི་བ་ མིན་པའི་ མ་ཁྱབས། ཡང་ན་ འཚེ་བ་ ཡོད་ཀྱང་ དྲག་པོ་ ཡིན་པས་ མ་ཁྱབས།
བྱས་ན་ དྲག་པོ་ དང་ འཚེ་བའི་ བར་ ཁྱད་པར་ གང་ ཡོད་པ་ ཞིབས་འཇུག་ བྱེད་ དགོས། དྲག་པོ་ ཞེས་པ་ ནི་ སེམས་ཅན་ གཞན་ གྱི་ ལུས་ཁམས་ ལ་ རྨས་སྐྱོན་ གཏོང་བའི་ བྱ་བ་ གང་ཞིག་ ལ་ གོ་བ་ ཡིན། འཚེ་བ་ ནི་ སེམས་ཅན་ ལ་ ལུས་ ངག་ ཡིད་ གང་རུང་ ཐོག་ནས་ གནོད་པ་ བྱེད་པའི་ བྱ་བ་ གང་ཞིག་ ལ་ གོ་བ་ ཡིན།
གལ་ཏེ་ མི་ ཞིག་ ལ་ ཚིག་ངན་ ཞིག་ བཤད་ ནས་ ཁོ་ ལ་ སྡུག་བསྔལ་ བཟོ་ན་ དེ་ལ་ འཚེ་བ་ ཟེར་ ཆོག འོན་ཀྱང་ ཚིག་ངན་ བཤད་པ་ དེ་ དྲག་པོའི་ ལས་སུ་ ངོས་འཛིན་ མ་བྱེད། གང་ལ་ ཟེར་ན་ ལས་དེས་ སྲོག་གཅོད་ དམ་ ལུས་ལ་ རྨས་སྐྱོན་ གཏོང་གི་ མེད་པས་ ཕྱིར།
རྒྱལ་ཁབས་ ཀྱི་ རང་དབང་ ཐབ་རྩོད་ ནང་ ཞུགས་ནས་ སྡུག་རྩུབ་ཅན་ གྱི་ གཞུང་ ཞིག་ ལ་ ཁ་གཏད་ གཅོག་དུས། དྲག་པོའི་ ལས་ཀ་ སྤང་རྒྱུ་ གལ་ཆེ་ ཡང་ འཚེ་བ་ མེད་པའི་ ལས་ཀ་ སྤང་རྒྱུ་ ནི་ ཧ་ཅང་ ཁག་པོ་ རེད། རྒྱ་གར་ གྱི་ རང་དབང་ ཐབ་རྩོད་པ་ རྒན་དིས་ དྲག་པོའི་ ལས་ཀ་ བྱས་ མེད་ ཀྱང་། འཚེ་བ་ཅན་ གྱི་ ལས་ཀ་ བྱས་ ཡོད་པར་ འདོད་ ཐུབ། ཁོང་གིས་ འགོ་འཁྲིད་ ནས་ དབྱིན་ཇིའི་ ཚོང་ཁང་ ལ་ ཉོ་ཚོང་ སྤོང་བའི་ ལས་འགུལ་ སྤེལ་དུས་ རྒྱ་གར་བ་ ས་ཡ་ མང་པོས་ མཉམ་ཞུགས་ བྱས་ནས། དབྱིན་ཇིའི་ ཚོང་ ལ་ གྱོང་ ཆེན་པོ་ བཏང་བ་ མ་ཟད། དབྱིན་ཇིའི་ སྐྱེ་མན་ མང་པོ་ བཟོ་གྲའི་ ལས་ཀ་ ཤོར་བ་ རེད།
རྒན་དིའི་ ཉོ་ཚོང་ སྤོང་བའི་ ལས་འགུལ་ དེས་ དབྱིན་ཇི་རྣམས་ ལ་ འཚེ་བ་ བྱས་ཀྱང་ ཞི་བའི་ སྒོ་ནས་ བྱས་པ་ རེད། དེར་ དྲག་པོ་ རྩ་བ་ ནས་ ཟེར་ མི་རུང་། བྱས་ཙང་ ང་ཚོའི་ ཐབ་རྩོད་ ནང་ལའང་ ཞི་བའི་ ལས་འགུལ་ འཚེ་བ་ཅན་ འགའ་ཞིག་ སྤེལ་ ཐུབ་ན་ ཡག་པོ་ ཡོང་ས་ རེད།
Wednesday, July 7, 2010
རི་ལིའི་འགེ་ཁུང་ Through the Window of a Train
རི་ལིའི་ འགེ་ཁུང་ ནང་ ནས་ ལྟ་དུས།
བཅོ་ལྔའི་ ཟླ་བ་ མཐོང་ བྱུང་།
གནམ་གྲུའི་ འགེ་ཁུང་ ནང་ ནས་ ལྟ་དུས།
གངས་རི་ དཀར་སྐྱང་ མཐོང་ བྱུང་།
སེམས་པའི་ འགེ་ཁུང་ ནང་ ནས་ ལྟ་དུས།
ཡིད་བཞིན་ ནོར་བུའི་ ཞལ་རས་ ལྷངས་ལྷངས་ མཇལ་ བྱུང་།
བྱེ་ཐང་ སྟེང་ གི་ ཆུ་ དང་།
གཙང་པོ་ བརྒལ་བའི་ ཟམ་པ།
དགུན་ཁའི་ སྐབས་ ཀྱི་ ཉི་མ།
དབྱར་ཁའི་ སྐབས་ ཀྱི་ ལྗང་ཤིང་།
མཚན་མོ་ ནག་པོའི་ སྐབས་ ཀྱི་ ཟླ་བ།
ལྷ་སའི་ ཁྲུང་ཁྲུང་ དཀར་མོ། རྒྱ་གར་ ཤར་ལ་ ཕེབས་ ཞག
ལས་ ལ་ བཀོད་པ་ རེད་དེ། ལྡོག་ཐབས་ མེད་པ་ མ་རེད།
This song is dedicated to His Holiness the Dalai Lama. I wrote this in 2003 while riding a train from Brown University to Boston.
བཅོ་ལྔའི་ ཟླ་བ་ མཐོང་ བྱུང་།
གནམ་གྲུའི་ འགེ་ཁུང་ ནང་ ནས་ ལྟ་དུས།
གངས་རི་ དཀར་སྐྱང་ མཐོང་ བྱུང་།
སེམས་པའི་ འགེ་ཁུང་ ནང་ ནས་ ལྟ་དུས།
ཡིད་བཞིན་ ནོར་བུའི་ ཞལ་རས་ ལྷངས་ལྷངས་ མཇལ་ བྱུང་།
བྱེ་ཐང་ སྟེང་ གི་ ཆུ་ དང་།
གཙང་པོ་ བརྒལ་བའི་ ཟམ་པ།
དགུན་ཁའི་ སྐབས་ ཀྱི་ ཉི་མ།
དབྱར་ཁའི་ སྐབས་ ཀྱི་ ལྗང་ཤིང་།
མཚན་མོ་ ནག་པོའི་ སྐབས་ ཀྱི་ ཟླ་བ།
ལྷ་སའི་ ཁྲུང་ཁྲུང་ དཀར་མོ། རྒྱ་གར་ ཤར་ལ་ ཕེབས་ ཞག
ལས་ ལ་ བཀོད་པ་ རེད་དེ། ལྡོག་ཐབས་ མེད་པ་ མ་རེད།
This song is dedicated to His Holiness the Dalai Lama. I wrote this in 2003 while riding a train from Brown University to Boston.
Sunday, June 6, 2010
Beijing: In Power, But Not In Control
21 years after the Chinese Communist Party massacred thousands of peaceful protesters in Tiananmen Square, the same thugs are still ruling China and its occupied territories. They are still in power no doubt, but are they in control?
The answer to this question can be found in the Tiananmen Mothers, the fearless critics of Beijing's denial of history. Ignoring the threats of arrest from the police, the Tiananmen Mothers continue to demand that the government apologize for killing their sons and daughters on June 4, 1989. Last week they published a moving essay to commemorate their children who have been denied even their death.
The answer can be found in Tibet, where virtual martial law and surveillance cameras and rooftop snipers have not silenced the creative minds who continue to write about freedom, sing about their imprisoned friends, and call for Tibetans to observe civil disobedience to weaken the regime's hold over Tibet. Beijing has increased internet police and shut down cyber cafes, but that hasn't stopped the Tibetan blogosphere from churning out an endless stream of words affirming Tibetan identity, investigating Tibet's history, and advocating Tibet's future.
The answer is so simple it can be posed as a question: If Beijing cannot control a dozen elderly mothers, if Beijing cannot control six million Tibetans, how can it ever control one billion Chinese?
The answer to this question can be found in the Tiananmen Mothers, the fearless critics of Beijing's denial of history. Ignoring the threats of arrest from the police, the Tiananmen Mothers continue to demand that the government apologize for killing their sons and daughters on June 4, 1989. Last week they published a moving essay to commemorate their children who have been denied even their death.
The answer can be found in Tibet, where virtual martial law and surveillance cameras and rooftop snipers have not silenced the creative minds who continue to write about freedom, sing about their imprisoned friends, and call for Tibetans to observe civil disobedience to weaken the regime's hold over Tibet. Beijing has increased internet police and shut down cyber cafes, but that hasn't stopped the Tibetan blogosphere from churning out an endless stream of words affirming Tibetan identity, investigating Tibet's history, and advocating Tibet's future.
The answer is so simple it can be posed as a question: If Beijing cannot control a dozen elderly mothers, if Beijing cannot control six million Tibetans, how can it ever control one billion Chinese?
Sunday, May 9, 2010
སྐྱེ་དམན་ ཞེས་པའི་ ཚིག་ གི་ འབྱུང་ཁུངས།
"སྐྱེ་དམན་" ཞེས་པའི་ ཚིག་ འདིའི་ འབྱང་ཁུངས་ སྐོར་ ག་དུས་ སྐད་ཆ་ བཤད་ ཀྱང་ བོད་པ་ ཕོ་མོ་ ཚང་མ་ བོ་སུ་དོག་པོ་ དང་ ངོ་ཚ་བོ་ དང་ རླུང་ཚ་བོ་ ཆགས་ འགྲོ་གི་ ཡོད། ཚིག་ འདི་ནི་ རྣ་བར་ ཐོས་ན་ མ་སྙན་པ་ དང་། དོན་ གོ་ན་ དེ་བས་ཀྱང་ སྡུག་པ་ ཡོད།
རྒྱུ་མཚན་ ནིཿ "སྐྱེ་དམན་" གྱི་ དོན་ སྐྱེ་བ་ དམན་པ་ ལ་ གོ་བ་ རེད། ཆོས་ཕྱོགས་ ནས་ བུད་མེད་ ཚོ་ བུ་ ལས་ སྐྱེ་བ་ དམན་པར་ ངོས་འཛིན་ བྱེད་ཀྱི་ ཡོད་པའི་ ཁུལ་ རེད།
འོན་ཀྱང་ ངས་ མིང་ཚིག་ འདི་ལ་ དཔྱད་པ་ བྱེད་སྐབས་ དེང་སང་ གི་ བོད་མི་ ཚོས་ "སྐྱེ་དམན་" ཞེས་པའི་ ཚིག་ གྱི་ གོ་དོན་ དང་ དག་ཆ་ རྦད་དེ་ ནོར་ འདུག དག་ཆ་ ངོ་མ་ ནི་ སྐྱེས་མིན་ ཡིན་པ་ དང་ གོ་དོན་ ངོ་མ་ ནི་ སྐྱེས་པ་ཕོ་ མ་ཡིན་ པར་ གོ་བས་ "སྐྱེས་མིན་" ནམ་ "སྐྱེས་མན་" ཞེས་ ཡིན་པར་བསམ།
སྐྱེ་དམན་ ཞེས་པའི་ ཚིག་འདི་ འགྲེལ་བརྗོད་ བྱེད་སྐབས་ རྒན་པ་ ཚོས་ གསུང་དོནཿ ནང་ཆོས་ བྱེད་པར་ བུད་མེད་ ཀྱི་ ལུས་པོ་ ལས་ བུ་ཡི་ ལུས་པོ་ ཡག་པ་ དང་ ནུས་པ་ ཆེ་བ་ ཡོད་པ་ སོང་ཙང་ བུད་མེད་ ཀྱི་ ལུས་པོ་ ཐོབ་པ་ དེ་ལ་ སྐྱེ་བ་ དམན་པའམ་ སྐྱེ་དམན་ ཞེས་ མིང་བཏགས། འོན་ཀྱང་ བསམ་བློ་ གཏིང་རིང་ཙམ་ བཏང་ན། བོད་པའི་ སྐད་ དང་ ཚིག་ བྱུང་ནས་ མི་ལོ་ སྟོང་ཕྲག་ མང་པོ་ འགྲོ་གི་ ཡོད། བྱས་ཙང་ བུད་མེད་ དང་ བུ་མོ་ ཟེར་བའི་ ཚིག་ ཀྱང་ བྱུང་ནས་ ལོ་ སྟོང་ཕྲག་ མང་པོ་ འགྲོ་གི་ ཡོད་པར་ ཐག་ཆོད། ཡིན་ནའང་ བོད་ ལ་ ནང་ཆོས་ དར་ ནས་ ལོ་ ༡༢༠༠ ཙམ་ ལས་ འགྲོ་གི་ མེད། དེ་འདྲ་ ཡིན་ན་ བོད་པའི་ ཚིག་ སྐྱེ་དམན་ ཞེས་པ་ བོད་ལ་ ནང་ཆོས་ དར་ ཚར་བའི་ རྗེས་སུ་ བྱུང་བ་ ཞིག་ཡིན་ དགོས། འདི་ནི་ ཧ་ཅང་ ཁག་པོ་ རེད།
དེ་འདྲ་ སོང་ཙང་ ངའི་ བསམ་ཚུལ་ ལཿ བུད་མེད་ ཚོ་ ལ་ ད་ནས་ བཟུང་ "སྐྱེ་དམན་" མ་བརྗོད་ པར་ "སྐྱེས་མན་" ཡང་ན་ "སྐྱེས་མིན་" ཅེས་ ལབ་དགོས།
རྒྱུ་མཚན་ ནིཿ "སྐྱེ་དམན་" གྱི་ དོན་ སྐྱེ་བ་ དམན་པ་ ལ་ གོ་བ་ རེད། ཆོས་ཕྱོགས་ ནས་ བུད་མེད་ ཚོ་ བུ་ ལས་ སྐྱེ་བ་ དམན་པར་ ངོས་འཛིན་ བྱེད་ཀྱི་ ཡོད་པའི་ ཁུལ་ རེད།
འོན་ཀྱང་ ངས་ མིང་ཚིག་ འདི་ལ་ དཔྱད་པ་ བྱེད་སྐབས་ དེང་སང་ གི་ བོད་མི་ ཚོས་ "སྐྱེ་དམན་" ཞེས་པའི་ ཚིག་ གྱི་ གོ་དོན་ དང་ དག་ཆ་ རྦད་དེ་ ནོར་ འདུག དག་ཆ་ ངོ་མ་ ནི་ སྐྱེས་མིན་ ཡིན་པ་ དང་ གོ་དོན་ ངོ་མ་ ནི་ སྐྱེས་པ་ཕོ་ མ་ཡིན་ པར་ གོ་བས་ "སྐྱེས་མིན་" ནམ་ "སྐྱེས་མན་" ཞེས་ ཡིན་པར་བསམ།
སྐྱེ་དམན་ ཞེས་པའི་ ཚིག་འདི་ འགྲེལ་བརྗོད་ བྱེད་སྐབས་ རྒན་པ་ ཚོས་ གསུང་དོནཿ ནང་ཆོས་ བྱེད་པར་ བུད་མེད་ ཀྱི་ ལུས་པོ་ ལས་ བུ་ཡི་ ལུས་པོ་ ཡག་པ་ དང་ ནུས་པ་ ཆེ་བ་ ཡོད་པ་ སོང་ཙང་ བུད་མེད་ ཀྱི་ ལུས་པོ་ ཐོབ་པ་ དེ་ལ་ སྐྱེ་བ་ དམན་པའམ་ སྐྱེ་དམན་ ཞེས་ མིང་བཏགས། འོན་ཀྱང་ བསམ་བློ་ གཏིང་རིང་ཙམ་ བཏང་ན། བོད་པའི་ སྐད་ དང་ ཚིག་ བྱུང་ནས་ མི་ལོ་ སྟོང་ཕྲག་ མང་པོ་ འགྲོ་གི་ ཡོད། བྱས་ཙང་ བུད་མེད་ དང་ བུ་མོ་ ཟེར་བའི་ ཚིག་ ཀྱང་ བྱུང་ནས་ ལོ་ སྟོང་ཕྲག་ མང་པོ་ འགྲོ་གི་ ཡོད་པར་ ཐག་ཆོད། ཡིན་ནའང་ བོད་ ལ་ ནང་ཆོས་ དར་ ནས་ ལོ་ ༡༢༠༠ ཙམ་ ལས་ འགྲོ་གི་ མེད། དེ་འདྲ་ ཡིན་ན་ བོད་པའི་ ཚིག་ སྐྱེ་དམན་ ཞེས་པ་ བོད་ལ་ ནང་ཆོས་ དར་ ཚར་བའི་ རྗེས་སུ་ བྱུང་བ་ ཞིག་ཡིན་ དགོས། འདི་ནི་ ཧ་ཅང་ ཁག་པོ་ རེད།
དེ་འདྲ་ སོང་ཙང་ ངའི་ བསམ་ཚུལ་ ལཿ བུད་མེད་ ཚོ་ ལ་ ད་ནས་ བཟུང་ "སྐྱེ་དམན་" མ་བརྗོད་ པར་ "སྐྱེས་མན་" ཡང་ན་ "སྐྱེས་མིན་" ཅེས་ ལབ་དགོས།
Monday, May 3, 2010
RENAISSANCE UNDER FIRE
It is an evil twist of fate that many Tibetan intellectuals and writers get their due recognition only after they're dead or arrested. Gedun Choephel. Dhondup Gyal. Dolma Kyab. Shokjang. Gangnyi. And now, the latest victim of China's wrath, Shogdung (real name: Tagyal) - a leading intellectual recently detained by Chinese authorities. Reading about Shogdung's numerous essays and books further confirmed my long-held opinion that what we have been witnessing is a Tibetan renaissance that is 1000 years overdue. It might take us another century to recognize this too, but future generations will look back at this decade and call it the Tibetan renaissance.
Yes, it's a thousand years overdue but it's finally here. Tibetan Renaissance has begun.
Every day a new book, a new poem, a new essay, or a new pamphlet. Every week a new music album, a new painting, a new thangka, a new exhibition. Every month a new film, a new idea, a new movement, a new school of thought. Writers, poets, musicians, artists, filmmakers are changing the landscape of Tibetan arts and literature. For a culture that has craved isolation and remained static over most of the last millennium, this is a revolution. This is the long overdue Tibetan Renaissance.
Shogdung's book, "གནམ་ས་གོ་འབྱེད་" (Distinguishing Sky from Earth), is one of the hundreds of books and essays written about the Tibetan uprising of 2008. བདེ་སྐྱིད་ནི་རང་དབང་གི་འབྲས་བུ་ཡིན་ལ། རང་དབང་ནི་དཔའ་སྤོབས་ཀྱི་འབྲས་བུ་ཡིན་ནོ།། Shogdung quotes a Greek scholar at the beginning of the book: "Happiness is the result of freedom; freedom is the result of courage." The quote sums up Shogdung's renunciation of fear, which was a step necessary to take before writing anything honest or meaningful.
In a way, the fearlessness that marked the political reawakening of the Tibetan people has contributed to the boldness and brilliance with which the new Tibetan art is bursting into the world. Young Tibetan painters like Gade, Gongkar, Rigdol, and Pekar are dancing on the canvas of modernity with brushstrokes that invoke as well as challenge tradition. Musicians like Yadong and Kunga and Sherten and JJI have electrified the Tibetan masses with lyrics that resonate in our hearts, from the Tibetan grasslands and nightclubs through the exile landscape. Writers like Shogdung, Shogjang, Gangnyi, Tsundue, Bhuchung, Tsering Wangmo, Drugmo, Mountain Phoenix, and of course Woeser, are finally putting into words the unfathomable pain, the occasional joy, and the constant yearning that mark our oppressed or exiled life.
This is the incredible power of Tibetan renaissance. We don't have the hard power of guns and tanks, but we have the soft power of culture and creativity. Chinese authorities can put on the most expensive expo ever in Shanghai, but they cannot create a cultural renaissance in China. The fact that this Tibetan renaissance is taking place at a time of extreme repression in Tibet makes it all the more significant and powerful.
Let's continue this Tibetan renaissance. Let's read more, write more, paint more, travel more, dream more, love more. Khampa youths shall get on the bus and travel to all corners of Tibet, stopping in Lhasa for breakfast, Gyangtse for dinner. Utsangwas shall go to the farthest reaches of Amdo till you hit the bumper of Mongolia - look, Tso Ngonpo is waiting for you. Let's see our beautiful country, let's start our own beat generation.
Yes, it's a thousand years overdue but it's finally here. Tibetan Renaissance has begun.
Every day a new book, a new poem, a new essay, or a new pamphlet. Every week a new music album, a new painting, a new thangka, a new exhibition. Every month a new film, a new idea, a new movement, a new school of thought. Writers, poets, musicians, artists, filmmakers are changing the landscape of Tibetan arts and literature. For a culture that has craved isolation and remained static over most of the last millennium, this is a revolution. This is the long overdue Tibetan Renaissance.
Shogdung's book, "གནམ་ས་གོ་འབྱེད་" (Distinguishing Sky from Earth), is one of the hundreds of books and essays written about the Tibetan uprising of 2008. བདེ་སྐྱིད་ནི་རང་དབང་གི་འབྲས་བུ་ཡིན་ལ། རང་དབང་ནི་དཔའ་སྤོབས་ཀྱི་འབྲས་བུ་ཡིན་ནོ།། Shogdung quotes a Greek scholar at the beginning of the book: "Happiness is the result of freedom; freedom is the result of courage." The quote sums up Shogdung's renunciation of fear, which was a step necessary to take before writing anything honest or meaningful.
In a way, the fearlessness that marked the political reawakening of the Tibetan people has contributed to the boldness and brilliance with which the new Tibetan art is bursting into the world. Young Tibetan painters like Gade, Gongkar, Rigdol, and Pekar are dancing on the canvas of modernity with brushstrokes that invoke as well as challenge tradition. Musicians like Yadong and Kunga and Sherten and JJI have electrified the Tibetan masses with lyrics that resonate in our hearts, from the Tibetan grasslands and nightclubs through the exile landscape. Writers like Shogdung, Shogjang, Gangnyi, Tsundue, Bhuchung, Tsering Wangmo, Drugmo, Mountain Phoenix, and of course Woeser, are finally putting into words the unfathomable pain, the occasional joy, and the constant yearning that mark our oppressed or exiled life.
This is the incredible power of Tibetan renaissance. We don't have the hard power of guns and tanks, but we have the soft power of culture and creativity. Chinese authorities can put on the most expensive expo ever in Shanghai, but they cannot create a cultural renaissance in China. The fact that this Tibetan renaissance is taking place at a time of extreme repression in Tibet makes it all the more significant and powerful.
Let's continue this Tibetan renaissance. Let's read more, write more, paint more, travel more, dream more, love more. Khampa youths shall get on the bus and travel to all corners of Tibet, stopping in Lhasa for breakfast, Gyangtse for dinner. Utsangwas shall go to the farthest reaches of Amdo till you hit the bumper of Mongolia - look, Tso Ngonpo is waiting for you. Let's see our beautiful country, let's start our own beat generation.
Sunday, March 7, 2010
Seeking the Support of Foreign Governments
ཁ་སང་ ཨ་རི་ བོད་ཀྱི་ རླུང་འཕྲིན་ཁང་ མཉམ་དུ་ དྲི་བ་དྲི་ལན་ བྱས་ ཡིན་པས། དེའི་ནང་ ཕྱི་རྒྱལ་ ལ་ སྡོད་མཁན་ བོད་པ་ ཚོས་ སོ་སོའི་ ས་གནས་ ཀྱི་ གཞུང་ ལ་ བོད་དོན་ ཆེད་ ཞུ་གཏུག་ བྱེད་རྒྱུ་ གལ་ཆེན་ ཡིན་པའི་ སྐོར་ སྐད་ཆ་ བཤད་ཡོད།
Sunday, February 28, 2010
མི་རབས་ གསར་བ་
མི་རབས་ གསར་བར་ ལང་ཚོ་ ཟེར་བའི་ འབྱོར་བ་ ཞིག་ ཡོད།
མི་རབས་ གསར་བར་ ང་རྒྱལ་ ཟེར་བའི་ སྤོབས་པ་ ཞིག་ ཡོད།
མི་རབས་ གསར་བར་ ཀུ་རེ་ ཟེར་བའི་ རྣམ་འགྱུར་ ཞིག་ ཡོད།
མི་རབས་ གསར་བར་ རང་དབང་ ཟེར་བའི་ བསླུ་བྲིད་ ཅིག་ ཡོད།
གཞས་ འདི་ ཧ་ཅང་ སྙན་པོ་ དང་ ངར་པོ། འཇུག་པོ། འཚམས་པོ་ བཅས་ འདུག
གཞས་པ་ གཡུ་འབྲུག དང་ ཟླ་བ་སྔོན་པོ་ ལ་ ཐུགས་རྗེ་ཆེ་ ཞུ་རྒྱུ་ ཡིན།
མི་རབས་ གསར་བར་ ང་རྒྱལ་ ཟེར་བའི་ སྤོབས་པ་ ཞིག་ ཡོད།
མི་རབས་ གསར་བར་ ཀུ་རེ་ ཟེར་བའི་ རྣམ་འགྱུར་ ཞིག་ ཡོད།
མི་རབས་ གསར་བར་ རང་དབང་ ཟེར་བའི་ བསླུ་བྲིད་ ཅིག་ ཡོད།
གཞས་ འདི་ ཧ་ཅང་ སྙན་པོ་ དང་ ངར་པོ། འཇུག་པོ། འཚམས་པོ་ བཅས་ འདུག
གཞས་པ་ གཡུ་འབྲུག དང་ ཟླ་བ་སྔོན་པོ་ ལ་ ཐུགས་རྗེ་ཆེ་ ཞུ་རྒྱུ་ ཡིན།
Sunday, February 21, 2010
Tibetans make Gandhi proud
By Tenzin Dorjee — Special to GlobalPost
Published: February 10, 2010 07:12 ET
NEW YORK — Last year around this time Tibetans decided to observe the traditional New Year — or Losar — as an occasion of mourning for those killed in China’s crackdown in 2008 following the Tibet uprising.
Appeals to forego Losar celebrations spread via text messages, blogs and word of mouth. On Losar, Tibetans stayed at home and ignored the fireworks, defying authorities who wanted them to sing and dance for state media. Overnight Tibetans turned silence — generally a sign of submission — into a weapon of resistance. The No Losar movement was nothing short of civil disobedience in full bloom.
On Feb. 14, Tibetans will again greet Losar with an air of defiance — many are planning not to celebrate while others will embrace cultural traditions as an act of subversive resistance. A couple of days later, U.S. President Obama will meet with His Holiness the Dalai Lama, sending a signal of hope to Tibetans everywhere. The 2008 Tibetan uprising may now seem a distant memory, but the dust of resistance is far from settled. With the new year, a different kind of storm brews over the Tibetan plateau.
Tibetans from Lhasa and Lithang to Markham and Ngaba have been engaging in experimental forms of nonviolent resistance in the tradition of Mahatma Gandhi and Martin Luther King Jr. Though China’s intensified repression has created the illusion of normalcy, Tibetans are ushering in a grassroots revolution — one that strengthens Tibetan nationhood and undermines the structure of Chinese colonialism.
This quiet revolution is perhaps best symbolized by Lhakar — a movement whose name means White Wednesday. It’s no secret the Dalai Lama was born on a Wednesday. Every week on this day, a growing number of Tibetans in urban and rural Tibet are making a political statement by wearing traditional clothes, speaking Tibetan, performing circumambulations, eating in Tibetan restaurants and buying from Tibetan-owned businesses. Click here to read more.
Published: February 10, 2010 07:12 ET
NEW YORK — Last year around this time Tibetans decided to observe the traditional New Year — or Losar — as an occasion of mourning for those killed in China’s crackdown in 2008 following the Tibet uprising.
Appeals to forego Losar celebrations spread via text messages, blogs and word of mouth. On Losar, Tibetans stayed at home and ignored the fireworks, defying authorities who wanted them to sing and dance for state media. Overnight Tibetans turned silence — generally a sign of submission — into a weapon of resistance. The No Losar movement was nothing short of civil disobedience in full bloom.
On Feb. 14, Tibetans will again greet Losar with an air of defiance — many are planning not to celebrate while others will embrace cultural traditions as an act of subversive resistance. A couple of days later, U.S. President Obama will meet with His Holiness the Dalai Lama, sending a signal of hope to Tibetans everywhere. The 2008 Tibetan uprising may now seem a distant memory, but the dust of resistance is far from settled. With the new year, a different kind of storm brews over the Tibetan plateau.
Tibetans from Lhasa and Lithang to Markham and Ngaba have been engaging in experimental forms of nonviolent resistance in the tradition of Mahatma Gandhi and Martin Luther King Jr. Though China’s intensified repression has created the illusion of normalcy, Tibetans are ushering in a grassroots revolution — one that strengthens Tibetan nationhood and undermines the structure of Chinese colonialism.
This quiet revolution is perhaps best symbolized by Lhakar — a movement whose name means White Wednesday. It’s no secret the Dalai Lama was born on a Wednesday. Every week on this day, a growing number of Tibetans in urban and rural Tibet are making a political statement by wearing traditional clothes, speaking Tibetan, performing circumambulations, eating in Tibetan restaurants and buying from Tibetan-owned businesses. Click here to read more.
Friday, February 5, 2010
Don't Let China Steal Losar
Losar belongs to Tibet. Losar belongs to the Tibetan people. No one can steal it from us.
I live in a foreign land where Tibetan festivals hold no immediate meaning. Struggling onto crowded subways each morning and each night, avoiding the empty gaze of strangers, the ground I walk upon is many seas and skies away from my mountainous home. So why should I celebrate Losar? The real New Year is already past, any way. Well, the answer is simple: No matter where I live, I am Tibetan, and if I don't celebrate my own tradition, who will?
It has become clear that Chinese authorities have been encouraging Tibetans in certain parts of Tibet to celebrate Losar, even handing out cash for fireworks in some cases. Understandably, this pathetic attempt by China to hijack Losar has angered Tibetans, some of whom may have decided to skip Losar in a knee-jerk reaction.
To celebrate Losar just because China tells us to do so - that's a mistake. Likewise, to skip Losar just because China tells us to celebrate it - that's also a mistake. Our tradition should not be relegated to a mere reaction - equal or opposite - to China's demands. China should have no say in how we practice our tradition. We Tibetans must proactively decide whether, when, where and how to observe Losar.
Chinese authorities will tell us to celebrate Losar next year too, and the year after that. Are we going to skip every Losar just to make a point? If we really want to hit the Chinese government where it hurts most, we should observe Losar in all the ways that distinguish us from them. We should use the occasion to assert our identity - eat Tibetan food, wear Tibetan dress, speak in Tibetan, write Losar cards and door signs in Tibetan, light butter lamps and perform kora. Let khatas hang on the door and prayer flags fly in the wind, let the smell of tsampa and incense fill the air.
Messages from Tibet, via articles and poems, have called on Tibetans to celebrate Losar as an occasion to assert our identity, empower our spirit, and to distinguish ourselves from the Chinese. Many are using the power of visuals, creating heart-shaped images with the word "Tibet" inscribed on them, to play on the fact that Losar falls on Valentine's Day. I heard that in Lhasa, for example, people have done most of the shopping and are planning to observe Losar at home. After living under virtual martial law for nearly two years, sharing a hot bowl of guthuk and a sweet dish of dresil with friends and family will nourish the soul.
Though mourning is important as a symbolic gesture, it is politically useless beyond a certain point. Excessive mourning, instead of bringing the dead back to life, pulls the living closer to death. In fact, the best way to honor the our martyrs is to advance the Tibetan struggle for freedom - which is what they died for - and the best way to advance the struggle is to engage the grassroots through activism. People will participate in a movement that is vibrant, inclusive, engaging and dynamic. No one is drawn to a movement that is drowning in a pool of tears and self-pity and endless mourning.
Let's distinguish ourselves from our oppressors, not by our sorrow but by our spirit, not by our mourning but by our activism. If we want to advance our movement, and if we truly want to pay tribute to our martyrs, we must observe Losar by being Tibetan, by taking action, by taking a pledge.
This Losar, take a pledge to do something every week - if possible, every day - that will strengthen Tibetan people and weaken the Chinese empire.
I live in a foreign land where Tibetan festivals hold no immediate meaning. Struggling onto crowded subways each morning and each night, avoiding the empty gaze of strangers, the ground I walk upon is many seas and skies away from my mountainous home. So why should I celebrate Losar? The real New Year is already past, any way. Well, the answer is simple: No matter where I live, I am Tibetan, and if I don't celebrate my own tradition, who will?
It has become clear that Chinese authorities have been encouraging Tibetans in certain parts of Tibet to celebrate Losar, even handing out cash for fireworks in some cases. Understandably, this pathetic attempt by China to hijack Losar has angered Tibetans, some of whom may have decided to skip Losar in a knee-jerk reaction.
To celebrate Losar just because China tells us to do so - that's a mistake. Likewise, to skip Losar just because China tells us to celebrate it - that's also a mistake. Our tradition should not be relegated to a mere reaction - equal or opposite - to China's demands. China should have no say in how we practice our tradition. We Tibetans must proactively decide whether, when, where and how to observe Losar.
Chinese authorities will tell us to celebrate Losar next year too, and the year after that. Are we going to skip every Losar just to make a point? If we really want to hit the Chinese government where it hurts most, we should observe Losar in all the ways that distinguish us from them. We should use the occasion to assert our identity - eat Tibetan food, wear Tibetan dress, speak in Tibetan, write Losar cards and door signs in Tibetan, light butter lamps and perform kora. Let khatas hang on the door and prayer flags fly in the wind, let the smell of tsampa and incense fill the air.
Messages from Tibet, via articles and poems, have called on Tibetans to celebrate Losar as an occasion to assert our identity, empower our spirit, and to distinguish ourselves from the Chinese. Many are using the power of visuals, creating heart-shaped images with the word "Tibet" inscribed on them, to play on the fact that Losar falls on Valentine's Day. I heard that in Lhasa, for example, people have done most of the shopping and are planning to observe Losar at home. After living under virtual martial law for nearly two years, sharing a hot bowl of guthuk and a sweet dish of dresil with friends and family will nourish the soul.
Though mourning is important as a symbolic gesture, it is politically useless beyond a certain point. Excessive mourning, instead of bringing the dead back to life, pulls the living closer to death. In fact, the best way to honor the our martyrs is to advance the Tibetan struggle for freedom - which is what they died for - and the best way to advance the struggle is to engage the grassroots through activism. People will participate in a movement that is vibrant, inclusive, engaging and dynamic. No one is drawn to a movement that is drowning in a pool of tears and self-pity and endless mourning.
Let's distinguish ourselves from our oppressors, not by our sorrow but by our spirit, not by our mourning but by our activism. If we want to advance our movement, and if we truly want to pay tribute to our martyrs, we must observe Losar by being Tibetan, by taking action, by taking a pledge.
This Losar, take a pledge to do something every week - if possible, every day - that will strengthen Tibetan people and weaken the Chinese empire.
ལོ་གསར། རྒྱུ་མཚན་ནི་ང་ཚོ་བོད་པ་རེད།
༄༅༑ བརྩེ་བའི་གྲོགས་པོ་ལྷན་རྒྱས་དང་བོད་དོན་རྒྱབ་སྐྱོར་གནང་མཁན་ལྷན་རྒྱས་ལ།
སླེབས་ལ་ཉེ་བའི་སྤྱི་ལོ་༢༠༡༠ལོའི་ཟླ་༢ཚེས་༡༤ཉིན་ནི་བོད་པའི་ལོ་གསར་ རེད། བོད་ཀྱི་སྐར་རྩིས་རིག་པའི་རྩིས་སྲོལ་ལྟར་བྱས་ན་ལྕགས་སྟག་བོད་རྒྱལ་ལོ་ ༢༡༣༧ལོ་འདི་ཤར་བའི་དགའ་སྟོན་གྱི་ཉིན་མོ་ཞིག་རེད་ལ། ཡང་འགྱུར་ལྡོག་དང་རེ་བ། བསྐྱར་སོན་གྱི་དམིགས་བསལ་དུས་ཚོད་ཅིག་ཀྱང་ཡིན་པ་རེད། ལོ་གསར་པའི་ཉིན་མོ་འདིར་ང་ཚོས་རང་མི་རིགས་ཀྱི་རྒྱལ་རབས་ལོ་རྒྱུས་དང་ང་ཚོའི་ རིག་གཞུང༌། ང་ཚོའི་ཆོས་ལུགས། ང་ཚོའི་མ་འོངས་ཀྱི་ཆེད་དགའ་སྟོན་གྱི་རྟེན་འབྲེལ་ཞུ་རྒྱུ་ཡིན། དགའ་སྟོན་ཞུ་དགོས་དོན་ནི་ང་ཚོའི་རྒྱལ་རབས་ལོ་རྒྱུས་ནི་རླབས་ཆེན་ཞིག་ དང༌། ང་ཚོའི་རིག་གཞུང་ནི་མཛེས་སྡུག་ལྡན་པ། ང་ཚོའི་ཆོས་ལུགས་ནི་གཏིང་ཟབ་པ་ཞིག་རེད། ད་ལྟའི་འཆར་ང་ཚོས་དཀའ་སྡུག་ཆེན་པོ་ཞིག་མྱོང་བཞིན་ཡོད་པ་ཡིན་རུང༌། ང་ཚོའི་མ་འོངས་པ་ནི་འོད་སྟོང་ལྡན་པ་ཞིག་རེད།
སྤྱི་ལོ་༢༠༠༨ལོ་ནས་བཟུང་ང་ཚོ་བོད་ཀྱི་མདོ་དབུས་ཁམས་གསུམ་ནང་བོད་མི་ཚོས་ གཅིག་མཇུག་གཉིས་མཐུད་ངང་ངོ་རྒོལ་གྱི་ལས་འགུལ་སྤེལ་བའི་རྗེས་ང་ཚོའི་ཤ་ཁྲག་ གཅིག་གི་སྤུན་ཟླ་ཚོ་རྒྱ་ནག་གུང་ཁྲན་གཞུང་གི་དབང་སྒྱུར་འོག་བོད་ནང་གི་གནས་ སྟངས་སྔར་ལས་ཇེ་ངན་ཇེ་སྡུག་ཏུ་ཕྱིན་ནས་བཙོན་འཇུག་དང་མནར་གཅོད། འདས་གྲོངས་སུ་ཕྱིན་པ་སོགས་དཀའ་སྡུག་མྱོང་བ་ཁག་དངོས་སུ་མཐོང༌ཡོད། དེར་བརྟེན་ན་ནིང་ལོར་འཛམ་གླིང་ཡུལ་གྲུ་ཁག་ནང་གནས་པའི་བོད་མི་ཚོས་སྐྱིད་ སྡུག་མཉམ་མྱོང་ཐོག་ནས་བོད་ཀྱི་ལོ་གསར་ལ་དགའ་སྟོན་གྱི་རྟེན་འབྲེལ་ཞུས་མེད་པ་ རེད།
འདི་ལོ་བོད་མི་མང་དག་ཅིག་གིས་བོད་ཀྱི་ལོ་གསར་ལ་བསུ་བ་ཞུ་རྒྱུའི་གྲ་སྒྲིག་ བྱེད་བཞིན་ཡོད་པ་རེད། དེ་ཡང་རྒྱུ་མཚན་ནི་ང་ཚོ་བོད་པ་ཡིན་པའི་དབང་གིས་རེད། ང་ཚོས་བོད་སྐད་རྒྱབ་པ་དང་བོད་ཆས་སྤྲས་པ། ང་ཚོ་བོད་མི་རིགས་ཀྱི་ཐུན་མོང་མ་ཡིན་པའི་སྲོལ་རྒྱུན་གཞིར་བཟུང་ང་ཚོ་བོད་ པའི་འདུ་ཤེས་ཟབ་རུ་གཏོང་རྒྱུ་དང༌། ང་ཚོའི་སྙིང་སྟོབས་ཧུར་སྐྱེད་ཡོང་བའི་ཆེད་དུ་ཡིན། བོད་ཀྱི་ལོ་གསར་བཏང་བ་བརྒྱུད་ང་ཚོར་བློ་སྟོབས་གསར་པ་ཞིག་དང་གོ་སྐབས་གསར་པ་ ཞིག་འཚོལ་ཐུབ་པ་བྱུང་ནས་མུ་མཐུད་ང་ཚོའི་འཐབ་རྩོད་འདི་རྒྱུན་འཁྱོངས་ཐུབ་པ་ ཡོང་རྒྱུ་རེད་ལ། རང་ཉིད་ཀྱི་ནང་མི་དང་དགའ་ཉེ་སྤུན་མཆེད་ལྷན་ང་ཚོ་བོད་ཀྱི་ལོ་གསར་ལ་སྲུང་ བརྩི་ཞུས་པ་བརྒྱུད་བོད་མི་ཚོར་སྤྲོ་སྐྱིད་ཀྱི་ཚོར་བ་ཞིག་འཚོལ་ཐུབ་རྒྱུ་རེད་ ལ། སྤྲོ་སྐྱིད་ནི་དཀའ་སྡུག་དང་འདྲ་བར་རང་དབང་འཐབ་རྩོད་ཀྱི་ལས་འགུལ་ཚང་མའི་ནང་ མེད་དུ་མི་རུང་བའི་ཆ་ཤས་ཤིག་ཡིན་པ་རེད།
དུས་རབས་ཕྱེད་ཀ་ལྷག་ཙམ་བཙན་བཟུང་བྱས་པའི་རྗེས་ང་ཚོས་གསལ་པོ་ཤེས་ཐུབ་པ་ཞིག་ ནི་དྲག་གནོན་པས་བོད་མི་རིགས་ཀྱི་སྙིང་སྟོབས་ལ་ཡིད་སྨོན་ཡོང་གི་ཡོད་པ་དང་ དབང་ཤུགས་ལ་གཉའ་སྒུར་གྱི་མེད། ལོ་འདིར་འཛམ་གླིང་ཡུལ་གྲུ་ཁག་ནང་ཡོད་པའི་བོད་མི་ཚོས་ལོ་གསར་ལ་རྟེན་འབྲེལ་ ཞུས་པའི་སྐབས་དང་བསྟུན་ནས་ང་ཚོའི་སྙིང་སྟོབས་འདིར་སོན་ཤུགས་ཀྱི་འཚོ་བཅུད་ གསར་པ་ཞིག་བཅུག་རྒྱུ་ཡིན།
ང་ཚོས་གལ་ཆེའི་སྲོལ་རྒྱུན་རིག་གཞུང་ལ་སྲུང་བརྩི་ཞུས་པའི་སྐབས་དེར་བོད་མི་ དང་བོད་དོན་རྒྱབ་སྐྱོར་གནང་མཁན་ཚོ་གདན་ཞུས་ཀྱིས་སྤྱི་ཟླ་༢ཚེས་༡༤ཉིན་མོ་ འདིར་ཆོས་ཁང་དང་། ཡང་ན་སྒེའུ་ཁུང་གི་སྟེང་མཆོད་མེ་ཕུལ་ནས་རྒྱ་ནག་གཞུང་གིས་ཁྲིམས་འགལ་ངང་བཙན་ བཟུང་བྱས་པར་མུ་མཐུད་འགོག་རྒོལ་བྱེད་མཁན་གྱི་བོད་མི་ཚོར་ཁོང་རྣམ་པའི་དཔའ་ ངར་ཞུམ་མེད་ཀྱི་བློ་སྟོབས་འདིར་གུད་བཏུད་མཚོན་པར་བྱ་རྒྱུ་ཡིན།
བོད་རང་བཙན་ཐོབ་ངེས་རེད།
བོད་རང་བཙན་སློབ་ཕྲུག་ཚོགས་པའི་འགན་འཛིན་བསྟན་འཛིན་རྡོ་རྗེ་དང་།
བོད་ཀྱི་ལས་འགུལ་ལྟེ་གནས་ཁང་གི་འགན་འཛིན་བཀྲས་མཐོང་ལྷ་སྒྲོན་ནས།
སླེབས་ལ་ཉེ་བའི་སྤྱི་ལོ་༢༠༡༠ལོའི་ཟླ་༢ཚེས་༡༤ཉིན་ནི་བོད་པའི་ལོ་གསར་ རེད། བོད་ཀྱི་སྐར་རྩིས་རིག་པའི་རྩིས་སྲོལ་ལྟར་བྱས་ན་ལྕགས་སྟག་བོད་རྒྱལ་ལོ་ ༢༡༣༧ལོ་འདི་ཤར་བའི་དགའ་སྟོན་གྱི་ཉིན་མོ་ཞིག་རེད་ལ། ཡང་འགྱུར་ལྡོག་དང་རེ་བ། བསྐྱར་སོན་གྱི་དམིགས་བསལ་དུས་ཚོད་ཅིག་ཀྱང་ཡིན་པ་རེད། ལོ་གསར་པའི་ཉིན་མོ་འདིར་ང་ཚོས་རང་མི་རིགས་ཀྱི་རྒྱལ་རབས་ལོ་རྒྱུས་དང་ང་ཚོའི་ རིག་གཞུང༌། ང་ཚོའི་ཆོས་ལུགས། ང་ཚོའི་མ་འོངས་ཀྱི་ཆེད་དགའ་སྟོན་གྱི་རྟེན་འབྲེལ་ཞུ་རྒྱུ་ཡིན། དགའ་སྟོན་ཞུ་དགོས་དོན་ནི་ང་ཚོའི་རྒྱལ་རབས་ལོ་རྒྱུས་ནི་རླབས་ཆེན་ཞིག་ དང༌། ང་ཚོའི་རིག་གཞུང་ནི་མཛེས་སྡུག་ལྡན་པ། ང་ཚོའི་ཆོས་ལུགས་ནི་གཏིང་ཟབ་པ་ཞིག་རེད། ད་ལྟའི་འཆར་ང་ཚོས་དཀའ་སྡུག་ཆེན་པོ་ཞིག་མྱོང་བཞིན་ཡོད་པ་ཡིན་རུང༌། ང་ཚོའི་མ་འོངས་པ་ནི་འོད་སྟོང་ལྡན་པ་ཞིག་རེད།
སྤྱི་ལོ་༢༠༠༨ལོ་ནས་བཟུང་ང་ཚོ་བོད་ཀྱི་མདོ་དབུས་ཁམས་གསུམ་ནང་བོད་མི་ཚོས་ གཅིག་མཇུག་གཉིས་མཐུད་ངང་ངོ་རྒོལ་གྱི་ལས་འགུལ་སྤེལ་བའི་རྗེས་ང་ཚོའི་ཤ་ཁྲག་ གཅིག་གི་སྤུན་ཟླ་ཚོ་རྒྱ་ནག་གུང་ཁྲན་གཞུང་གི་དབང་སྒྱུར་འོག་བོད་ནང་གི་གནས་ སྟངས་སྔར་ལས་ཇེ་ངན་ཇེ་སྡུག་ཏུ་ཕྱིན་ནས་བཙོན་འཇུག་དང་མནར་གཅོད། འདས་གྲོངས་སུ་ཕྱིན་པ་སོགས་དཀའ་སྡུག་མྱོང་བ་ཁག་དངོས་སུ་མཐོང༌ཡོད། དེར་བརྟེན་ན་ནིང་ལོར་འཛམ་གླིང་ཡུལ་གྲུ་ཁག་ནང་གནས་པའི་བོད་མི་ཚོས་སྐྱིད་ སྡུག་མཉམ་མྱོང་ཐོག་ནས་བོད་ཀྱི་ལོ་གསར་ལ་དགའ་སྟོན་གྱི་རྟེན་འབྲེལ་ཞུས་མེད་པ་ རེད།
འདི་ལོ་བོད་མི་མང་དག་ཅིག་གིས་བོད་ཀྱི་ལོ་གསར་ལ་བསུ་བ་ཞུ་རྒྱུའི་གྲ་སྒྲིག་ བྱེད་བཞིན་ཡོད་པ་རེད། དེ་ཡང་རྒྱུ་མཚན་ནི་ང་ཚོ་བོད་པ་ཡིན་པའི་དབང་གིས་རེད། ང་ཚོས་བོད་སྐད་རྒྱབ་པ་དང་བོད་ཆས་སྤྲས་པ། ང་ཚོ་བོད་མི་རིགས་ཀྱི་ཐུན་མོང་མ་ཡིན་པའི་སྲོལ་རྒྱུན་གཞིར་བཟུང་ང་ཚོ་བོད་ པའི་འདུ་ཤེས་ཟབ་རུ་གཏོང་རྒྱུ་དང༌། ང་ཚོའི་སྙིང་སྟོབས་ཧུར་སྐྱེད་ཡོང་བའི་ཆེད་དུ་ཡིན། བོད་ཀྱི་ལོ་གསར་བཏང་བ་བརྒྱུད་ང་ཚོར་བློ་སྟོབས་གསར་པ་ཞིག་དང་གོ་སྐབས་གསར་པ་ ཞིག་འཚོལ་ཐུབ་པ་བྱུང་ནས་མུ་མཐུད་ང་ཚོའི་འཐབ་རྩོད་འདི་རྒྱུན་འཁྱོངས་ཐུབ་པ་ ཡོང་རྒྱུ་རེད་ལ། རང་ཉིད་ཀྱི་ནང་མི་དང་དགའ་ཉེ་སྤུན་མཆེད་ལྷན་ང་ཚོ་བོད་ཀྱི་ལོ་གསར་ལ་སྲུང་ བརྩི་ཞུས་པ་བརྒྱུད་བོད་མི་ཚོར་སྤྲོ་སྐྱིད་ཀྱི་ཚོར་བ་ཞིག་འཚོལ་ཐུབ་རྒྱུ་རེད་ ལ། སྤྲོ་སྐྱིད་ནི་དཀའ་སྡུག་དང་འདྲ་བར་རང་དབང་འཐབ་རྩོད་ཀྱི་ལས་འགུལ་ཚང་མའི་ནང་ མེད་དུ་མི་རུང་བའི་ཆ་ཤས་ཤིག་ཡིན་པ་རེད།
དུས་རབས་ཕྱེད་ཀ་ལྷག་ཙམ་བཙན་བཟུང་བྱས་པའི་རྗེས་ང་ཚོས་གསལ་པོ་ཤེས་ཐུབ་པ་ཞིག་ ནི་དྲག་གནོན་པས་བོད་མི་རིགས་ཀྱི་སྙིང་སྟོབས་ལ་ཡིད་སྨོན་ཡོང་གི་ཡོད་པ་དང་ དབང་ཤུགས་ལ་གཉའ་སྒུར་གྱི་མེད། ལོ་འདིར་འཛམ་གླིང་ཡུལ་གྲུ་ཁག་ནང་ཡོད་པའི་བོད་མི་ཚོས་ལོ་གསར་ལ་རྟེན་འབྲེལ་ ཞུས་པའི་སྐབས་དང་བསྟུན་ནས་ང་ཚོའི་སྙིང་སྟོབས་འདིར་སོན་ཤུགས་ཀྱི་འཚོ་བཅུད་ གསར་པ་ཞིག་བཅུག་རྒྱུ་ཡིན།
ང་ཚོས་གལ་ཆེའི་སྲོལ་རྒྱུན་རིག་གཞུང་ལ་སྲུང་བརྩི་ཞུས་པའི་སྐབས་དེར་བོད་མི་ དང་བོད་དོན་རྒྱབ་སྐྱོར་གནང་མཁན་ཚོ་གདན་ཞུས་ཀྱིས་སྤྱི་ཟླ་༢ཚེས་༡༤ཉིན་མོ་ འདིར་ཆོས་ཁང་དང་། ཡང་ན་སྒེའུ་ཁུང་གི་སྟེང་མཆོད་མེ་ཕུལ་ནས་རྒྱ་ནག་གཞུང་གིས་ཁྲིམས་འགལ་ངང་བཙན་ བཟུང་བྱས་པར་མུ་མཐུད་འགོག་རྒོལ་བྱེད་མཁན་གྱི་བོད་མི་ཚོར་ཁོང་རྣམ་པའི་དཔའ་ ངར་ཞུམ་མེད་ཀྱི་བློ་སྟོབས་འདིར་གུད་བཏུད་མཚོན་པར་བྱ་རྒྱུ་ཡིན།
བོད་རང་བཙན་ཐོབ་ངེས་རེད།
བོད་རང་བཙན་སློབ་ཕྲུག་ཚོགས་པའི་འགན་འཛིན་བསྟན་འཛིན་རྡོ་རྗེ་དང་།
བོད་ཀྱི་ལས་འགུལ་ལྟེ་གནས་ཁང་གི་འགན་འཛིན་བཀྲས་མཐོང་ལྷ་སྒྲོན་ནས།
Tuesday, February 2, 2010
ང་བོད་པ་ཡིན།
ང་ བོད་པ་ ཡིན། རྒྱུ་མཚན་ ངས་ བོད་ཇ་ འཐུང་།
ང་ བོད་པ་ ཡིན། རྒྱུ་མཚན་ ངས་ རྩམ་པ་ ཟ།
ང་ བོད་པ་ ཡིན། རྒྱུ་མཚན་ ང་ བོད་ཡིག་ སྦྱང་གི་ ཡོད།
ང་ བོད་པ་ ཡིན། རྒྱུ་མཚན་ ང་ ཡང་ཡང་ བོད་ཀྱི་ རྨི་ལམ་ གཏོང་།
ང་ བོད་པ་ ཡིན། རྒྱུ་མཚན་ ང་ གླུ་གཞས་ ལ་ དགའ།
ང་ བོད་པ་ ཡིན། རྒྱུ་མཚན་ ང་ བོད་ལ་ འགྲོ་འདོད་ ཡོད།
ང་ བོད་པ་ ཡིན། རྒྱུ་མཚན་ ངའི་ ཕ་མ་ བོད་པ་ རེད།
ང་ བོད་པ་ ཡིན། རྒྱུ་མཚན་ ང་ བོད་ཡིག་ ཀློག་དུས་ དཀའ་ལས་ འདུག
ང་ བོད་པ་ ཡིན། རྒྱུ་མཚན་ ང་ བོད་ཡིག ད་དུང་ དཀའ་ལས་ རྒྱག་ནས་ ཀློག་གི་ ཡོད།
ང་ བོད་པ་ ཡིན། རྒྱུ་མཚན་ ང་ རང་དབང་ དང་ དམངས་གཙོ་ ལ་ དགའ།
ང་ བོད་པ་ ཡིན། རྒྱུ་མཚན་ བོད་མི་ ས་ཡ་དྲུག ངའི་ སྤུན་ཆེད་ རེད།
ང་ བོད་པ་ ཡིན། རྒྱུ་མཚན་ ང་ བོད་ཀྱི་ ལོ་རྒྱུད་ ལ་ སྤོབས་པ་ དང་ བོད་ཀྱི་ འདུན་ལམ་ ལ་ དོ་སྣང་ ཡོད།
ང་ བོད་པ་ ཡིན། རྒྱུ་མཚན་ ངས་ རྩམ་པ་ ཟ།
ང་ བོད་པ་ ཡིན། རྒྱུ་མཚན་ ང་ བོད་ཡིག་ སྦྱང་གི་ ཡོད།
ང་ བོད་པ་ ཡིན། རྒྱུ་མཚན་ ང་ ཡང་ཡང་ བོད་ཀྱི་ རྨི་ལམ་ གཏོང་།
ང་ བོད་པ་ ཡིན། རྒྱུ་མཚན་ ང་ གླུ་གཞས་ ལ་ དགའ།
ང་ བོད་པ་ ཡིན། རྒྱུ་མཚན་ ང་ བོད་ལ་ འགྲོ་འདོད་ ཡོད།
ང་ བོད་པ་ ཡིན། རྒྱུ་མཚན་ ངའི་ ཕ་མ་ བོད་པ་ རེད།
ང་ བོད་པ་ ཡིན། རྒྱུ་མཚན་ ང་ བོད་ཡིག་ ཀློག་དུས་ དཀའ་ལས་ འདུག
ང་ བོད་པ་ ཡིན། རྒྱུ་མཚན་ ང་ བོད་ཡིག ད་དུང་ དཀའ་ལས་ རྒྱག་ནས་ ཀློག་གི་ ཡོད།
ང་ བོད་པ་ ཡིན། རྒྱུ་མཚན་ ང་ རང་དབང་ དང་ དམངས་གཙོ་ ལ་ དགའ།
ང་ བོད་པ་ ཡིན། རྒྱུ་མཚན་ བོད་མི་ ས་ཡ་དྲུག ངའི་ སྤུན་ཆེད་ རེད།
ང་ བོད་པ་ ཡིན། རྒྱུ་མཚན་ ང་ བོད་ཀྱི་ ལོ་རྒྱུད་ ལ་ སྤོབས་པ་ དང་ བོད་ཀྱི་ འདུན་ལམ་ ལ་ དོ་སྣང་ ཡོད།
LOSAR: Because I am Tibetan
Dear Friends & Supporters of Tibet,
Tibetans will mark Losar - the Tibetan New Year - on February 14th, 2010. In the Tibetan lunar calendar, this day marks the beginning of the Iron Tiger Year 2137, a time for change, hope, and renewal. On this day, we celebrate our history, our culture, our religion, and our future - because our history is great, our culture beautiful, our religion profound, and – in spite of our present suffering – our future is bright.
Since 2008, following the Tibetan uprising in all three historical provinces of Tibet, we witnessed an escalation in the imprisonment, torture and death of our fellow countrymen and women under Chinese rule. Because of this, last year, Tibetans united around the world and did not celebrate Losar.
This year, many Tibetans are planning to observe Losar for one reason only: because we are Tibetan. We will speak Tibetan language, wear Tibetan dress, and observe Tibetan customs, thus strengthening our identity and our spirit. Through this observance we will find new courage and opportunities to advance our struggle. In observing Losar with family and friends, Tibetans will reach for happiness, which, as much as suffering, is an integral part of a freedom movement.
Through all these years of occupation one thing is clear: the oppressor envies the spirit of the Tibetan people, which cannot be crushed by violence. This year Tibetans worldwide will nourish this spirit with the observance of Losar.
While observing this important cultural tradition, we ask Tibetans and supporters to light butter lamps and candles on their altars and in their windows on February 14th to honor the courage of the Tibetan people in Tibet who continue to resist the Chinese government's illegal occupation of their homeland.
Tibet will be free.
With hope,
Tenzin Dorjee,
Executive Director, Students for a Free Tibet
&
Lhadon Tethong,
Director, Tibet Action Institute
Please take a moment to watch this inspiring video from Amdo, Eastern Tibet, where Tibetans, young and old, declare the myriad ways they are Tibetan: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rMcau-0igDs
Included in the video are these statements:
I am Tibetan because I love Tibet.
I am Tibetan because I learn Tibetan.
I am Tibetan because I love my culture.
I am Tibetan because I wear only Tibetan dress.
I am Tibetan because Tibetan blood flows in me.
I am Tibetan because my mother is Tibetan.
I am Tibetan because I sing Tibetan.
I am Tibetan because I am a Tibetan nomad.
I am Tibetan because I love my land.
I am Tibetan because I am a herder on the plateau.
I am Tibetan because I never forget Tibet.
I am Tibetan because I love my Tibetan brothers and sisters.
Tibetans will mark Losar - the Tibetan New Year - on February 14th, 2010. In the Tibetan lunar calendar, this day marks the beginning of the Iron Tiger Year 2137, a time for change, hope, and renewal. On this day, we celebrate our history, our culture, our religion, and our future - because our history is great, our culture beautiful, our religion profound, and – in spite of our present suffering – our future is bright.
Since 2008, following the Tibetan uprising in all three historical provinces of Tibet, we witnessed an escalation in the imprisonment, torture and death of our fellow countrymen and women under Chinese rule. Because of this, last year, Tibetans united around the world and did not celebrate Losar.
This year, many Tibetans are planning to observe Losar for one reason only: because we are Tibetan. We will speak Tibetan language, wear Tibetan dress, and observe Tibetan customs, thus strengthening our identity and our spirit. Through this observance we will find new courage and opportunities to advance our struggle. In observing Losar with family and friends, Tibetans will reach for happiness, which, as much as suffering, is an integral part of a freedom movement.
Through all these years of occupation one thing is clear: the oppressor envies the spirit of the Tibetan people, which cannot be crushed by violence. This year Tibetans worldwide will nourish this spirit with the observance of Losar.
While observing this important cultural tradition, we ask Tibetans and supporters to light butter lamps and candles on their altars and in their windows on February 14th to honor the courage of the Tibetan people in Tibet who continue to resist the Chinese government's illegal occupation of their homeland.
Tibet will be free.
With hope,
Tenzin Dorjee,
Executive Director, Students for a Free Tibet
&
Lhadon Tethong,
Director, Tibet Action Institute
Please take a moment to watch this inspiring video from Amdo, Eastern Tibet, where Tibetans, young and old, declare the myriad ways they are Tibetan: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rMcau-0igDs
Included in the video are these statements:
I am Tibetan because I love Tibet.
I am Tibetan because I learn Tibetan.
I am Tibetan because I love my culture.
I am Tibetan because I wear only Tibetan dress.
I am Tibetan because Tibetan blood flows in me.
I am Tibetan because my mother is Tibetan.
I am Tibetan because I sing Tibetan.
I am Tibetan because I am a Tibetan nomad.
I am Tibetan because I love my land.
I am Tibetan because I am a herder on the plateau.
I am Tibetan because I never forget Tibet.
I am Tibetan because I love my Tibetan brothers and sisters.
Monday, February 1, 2010
The world's super bully - China
China may not be a super power yet, but it is already behaving like a super bully.
As Obama prepares to meet with His Holiness the Dalai Lama, this is what Chinese Communist Party official Zhu Weiqun said: There would be "corresponding action" if the meeting went ahead.
He also said: "If [the meeting] does happen we will take corresponding action to make relevant countries see their mistakes."
These words, among others, show a new arrogance in Beijing that has been fueled by the flawed policy of engagement pursued by recent US administrations. When will the United States realize that the main threat to its values and security comes not from "terrorists" in the desert but from the draconian regime that colonizes Tibet and East Turkestan, jails dissidents, suppresses religious freedom, executes more people than the rest of the world combined, and has been building an army of hackers that is stealing intellectual property and will change the very concept of war?
Read full article here.
As Obama prepares to meet with His Holiness the Dalai Lama, this is what Chinese Communist Party official Zhu Weiqun said: There would be "corresponding action" if the meeting went ahead.
He also said: "If [the meeting] does happen we will take corresponding action to make relevant countries see their mistakes."
These words, among others, show a new arrogance in Beijing that has been fueled by the flawed policy of engagement pursued by recent US administrations. When will the United States realize that the main threat to its values and security comes not from "terrorists" in the desert but from the draconian regime that colonizes Tibet and East Turkestan, jails dissidents, suppresses religious freedom, executes more people than the rest of the world combined, and has been building an army of hackers that is stealing intellectual property and will change the very concept of war?
Read full article here.
བོད་ ཀྱི་ ལོ་གསར་
ད་ལོ་ བོད་ ཀྱི་ ལོ་གསར་ ཇི་ལྟར་ གཏོང་རྒྱུ་ ཡིན་ནམ།
བོད་ ནང་ གི་ རྩོམ་པ་པོ་ མི་ཁོམ་པའི་རྒྱལ་སྲས་ ཀྱིས་ བྲིས་པའི་ རྩོམ་ཡིག་ འདིར་ ཀློག་རོགས།
བོད་ ནང་ གི་ རྩོམ་པ་པོ་ མི་ཁོམ་པའི་རྒྱལ་སྲས་ ཀྱིས་ བྲིས་པའི་ རྩོམ་ཡིག་ འདིར་ ཀློག་རོགས།
Tuesday, January 26, 2010
གྲོས་མོལ་ ཡག་པོ་ ཡོང་བར་ ཆ་རྐྱེན་ གང་ དགོས།
བོད་རྒྱ་ འབྲེལ་མོལ་ ཡང་སྐྱར་ མུ་མཐུད་ བྱུང་བ་ དགའ་བོ་ བྱུང་། འོན་ཀྱང་ བོད་ནང་ འགྱུར་བ་ ཆེན་པོ་ འགྲོ་བའི་ རེ་བ་ མེད། རྒྱ་གཞུང་ གི་ བོད་ནང་ འཛིན་པའི་ སྲིད་བྱུས་ ནི་ སྔར་ ལས་ སྡུག་ཏུ་ འགྲོ་གི་ ཡོད་པ་ ཚང་མས་ ཤེས་ཀྱི་ ཡོད།
གྲོས་མོལ་ བྱེད་རྒྱུ་ གལ་ཆེན་ ཡིན་ཡང་། སྔོས་འབྲེལ་ བྱས་ན་ གྲོས་མོལ་ འགོ་ མ་འཛུག་ གོང་ གནོན་ཤུགས་ མང་པོ་ དགོས་ཡོད། གནོན་ཤུགས་ མེད་པའི་ གྲོས་མོལ་ ལ་ ནུས་ཤུགས་ མེད་པས་ འཁྱབ། བྱས་ན་ གནོན་ཤུགས་ གང་འདྲ་ བྱས་ནས་ སྤྲུན་དགོས་སམ།
གནོན་ཤུགས་ ནི་ དབྱེ་ན་ མང་པོ་ ཡོད་པ་ ནི། དཔལ་འབྱོར་ གྱི་ གནོན་ཤུགས། སྲིད་དོན་ གྱི་ གནོན་ཤུགས། སྤྱི་ཚོགས་ ཀྱི་ གནོན་ཤུགས། འདི་དག་ ཚང་མ་ ཞི་བའི་ ཐབས་ལམ་ བེད་སྤྱོད་ བྱས་ནས་ སྐྲུན་ ཐུབ་ཀྱི་ རེད།
བོད་པའི་ མི་མང་ ཚང་མ་ མཉམ་རུབ་ ཀྱི་ ཐོག་ནས་ རྒྱ་ནག་ ལ་ འདི་འདྲ་བའི་ གནོན་ཤུགས་ ཤིག་ སྐྲུན་ མ་ཐུབ་ ན་ ང་ཚོའི་ གྲོས་མོལ་ ག་ཚོད་ བྱེད་ཀྱང་ རྒྱ་གཞུང་ གིས་ མགོ་སྐོར་ གཏོང་རྒྱུ་ ལས་ ཕན་ཐོག་ ཡོང་བ་ ཧ་ཅང་ ཁག་པོ་ རེད།
གྲོས་མོལ་ བྱེད་རྒྱུ་ གལ་ཆེན་ ཡིན་ཡང་། སྔོས་འབྲེལ་ བྱས་ན་ གྲོས་མོལ་ འགོ་ མ་འཛུག་ གོང་ གནོན་ཤུགས་ མང་པོ་ དགོས་ཡོད། གནོན་ཤུགས་ མེད་པའི་ གྲོས་མོལ་ ལ་ ནུས་ཤུགས་ མེད་པས་ འཁྱབ། བྱས་ན་ གནོན་ཤུགས་ གང་འདྲ་ བྱས་ནས་ སྤྲུན་དགོས་སམ།
གནོན་ཤུགས་ ནི་ དབྱེ་ན་ མང་པོ་ ཡོད་པ་ ནི། དཔལ་འབྱོར་ གྱི་ གནོན་ཤུགས། སྲིད་དོན་ གྱི་ གནོན་ཤུགས། སྤྱི་ཚོགས་ ཀྱི་ གནོན་ཤུགས། འདི་དག་ ཚང་མ་ ཞི་བའི་ ཐབས་ལམ་ བེད་སྤྱོད་ བྱས་ནས་ སྐྲུན་ ཐུབ་ཀྱི་ རེད།
བོད་པའི་ མི་མང་ ཚང་མ་ མཉམ་རུབ་ ཀྱི་ ཐོག་ནས་ རྒྱ་ནག་ ལ་ འདི་འདྲ་བའི་ གནོན་ཤུགས་ ཤིག་ སྐྲུན་ མ་ཐུབ་ ན་ ང་ཚོའི་ གྲོས་མོལ་ ག་ཚོད་ བྱེད་ཀྱང་ རྒྱ་གཞུང་ གིས་ མགོ་སྐོར་ གཏོང་རྒྱུ་ ལས་ ཕན་ཐོག་ ཡོང་བ་ ཧ་ཅང་ ཁག་པོ་ རེད།
Friday, January 22, 2010
དྲ་རྒྱ་ དང་ རང་དབང་ བར་ གྱི་ འབྲེལ་བ་
ཁ་སང་ ཨེ་ཤེ་ཡ་ རང་དབང་ རླུང་འཕྲིན་ཁང་ གི་ སྒྲོལ་དཀར་ལགས་ མཉམ་ དུ་ བོད་ དང་ རྒྱ་ནག་ ནང་ དྲ་རྒྱའི་ དམ་སྒྲག་ སྐོར་ སྐད་ཆ་ བཤད་རྒྱུའི་ གོ་སྐབས་ ཐོབ་བྱུང་། འདི་གར་ གསན་རོགས།
ཨེ་ཤ་ཡ་རང་དབང་རླུང་འཕྲིན་ཁང་།
དྲ་རྒྱ་ ནི་ རང་དབང་ གི་ མཐུན་སྐྱེན་ ཞིག་ ཡིན་པས་། བེད་སྤྱོད་ བྱེད་ ཐུབ་ན་ བོད་པའི་ རང་བཙན་ ཐབ་རྩོད་ ལ་ ཧ་ཅང་ ཕན་ཐོག་ཆེ་།
ཨེ་ཤ་ཡ་རང་དབང་རླུང་འཕྲིན་ཁང་།
དྲ་རྒྱ་ ནི་ རང་དབང་ གི་ མཐུན་སྐྱེན་ ཞིག་ ཡིན་པས་། བེད་སྤྱོད་ བྱེད་ ཐུབ་ན་ བོད་པའི་ རང་བཙན་ ཐབ་རྩོད་ ལ་ ཧ་ཅང་ ཕན་ཐོག་ཆེ་།
Friday, January 15, 2010
It's time to disengage China
May be this is the year. May be it was always going to take a giant like Google to unravel an empire like China. Or may be not. But one thing is clear: China will never be the same again.
We might never know exactly what the Chinese government did that incensed Google enough to reverse four years of colluding with Beijing's censorship. But we can be sure that Google's recent decision to stand up to Beijing's dictatorship has a set a new standard for corporate practice.
All these years, the conventional wisdom was that we must choose between human rights and China's emerging market, implying that we can't have both. But now Google's experience shows that doing business with China is not only bad for human rights, it's bad for business too.
This is only a symptom of the larger problem that the Chinese empire represents. China does not honor international law. It does not respect human rights. And now we know it's stealing intellectual property from corporations. It's time to disengage.
We might never know exactly what the Chinese government did that incensed Google enough to reverse four years of colluding with Beijing's censorship. But we can be sure that Google's recent decision to stand up to Beijing's dictatorship has a set a new standard for corporate practice.
All these years, the conventional wisdom was that we must choose between human rights and China's emerging market, implying that we can't have both. But now Google's experience shows that doing business with China is not only bad for human rights, it's bad for business too.
This is only a symptom of the larger problem that the Chinese empire represents. China does not honor international law. It does not respect human rights. And now we know it's stealing intellectual property from corporations. It's time to disengage.
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